奥巴马学校演讲稿(共30篇)

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第1篇

hi, everybody. about a year ago, i promised that __ would be a breakthrough year for america. and this week, we got more evidence to back that up.

in december, our businesses created 240,000 new jobs. the unemployment rate fell to . that means that __ was the strongest year for job growth since the 1990s. in __, unemployment fell faster than it has in three decades.

over a 58-month streak, our businesses have created million new jobs. after a decade of decline, american manufacturing is in its best stretch of job growth since the ?90s. america is now the world?s number one producer of oil and gas, helping to save drivers about a buck-ten a gallon at the pump over this time last year. thanks to the affordable care act, about 10 million americans have gained health insurance in the past year alone. we have cut our deficits by about two-thirds. and after 13 long years, our war in afghanistan has come to a responsible end, and more of our brave troops have come home.

大家好。大约一年前，我预料__年将是美国有所突破的一年。本周，我们得到了很多证据支持。

在12月份，我们的企业创造了240，000个就业岗位。失业率降低到。这意味着__年是自1990年代以来就业增长最强劲的一年。在__年，失业率以30年来最快的速度下降。

经过58个月的冲刺，我们的企业创造了1千1百20万个新就业岗位。经过__年的下滑后，美国的制造业目前正处于自90年代以来就业增长的最佳时期。美国现在是世界上头号石油和天然气生产国，这使驾驶人们自去年这个时候以来每加仑节约1美元10美分。多亏了可承受的医保法案，仅在去年就有近1千万美国人获得医保。我们已经减少了大约三分之二的赤。经过13个漫长的岁月，我们的阿富汗战争合理收官，更多英勇的军人回国。

it has been six years since the crisis. those years have demanded hard work and sacrifice on everybody?s part. so as a country, we have every right to be proud of what we?ve got to show for it. america?s resurgence is real. and now that we?ve got some calmer waters, if we all do our part, if we all pitch in, we can make sure that tide starts lifting all boats again. we can make sure that the middle class is the engine that powers america?s prosperity for decades to come.

that?ll be the focus of my state of the union address in a couple weeks – building on the progress we?ve made. but i figured, why wait – let?s get started right now.

危机爆发已经六年了。这些年要求每个人勤奋工作作出牺牲。所以作为一个国家，我们有资格为我们的表现感到自豪。美国的复苏是实实在在的。现在我们已经柳暗花明了，但是如果我们都尽自己的努力、都全力以赴，我们就会再次形成众人拾柴火焰高的局面。我们确保在未来的几十年里中产阶级仍然是美国繁荣的引擎。

这是我几周后的国情咨文报告的重点--百尺竿头更进一步。但是我想，为什么等待--让我们从现在做起。

on wednesday, i visited a ford plant outside of detroit – because the american auto industry and its home state are redefining the word “comeback.” on thursday, i traveled to arizona, a state that was hit among the hardest by the housing crisis, to announce a new plan that will put hundreds of dollars in new homeowners? pockets, and help more new families buy their first home. and, i?m speaking with you today from pellissippi state community college in tennessee, a state making big strides in education, to unveil my new plan to make two years of community college free for every responsible student. i?m also here to establish a new hub that will attract more good-paying, high-tech manufacturing jobs to our shores.

周三，我访问了底特律郊外的福特工厂--因为美国汽车工业和它的故乡正在重新定义“回归”一词。周四，我访问了亚利桑那州，一个房市危机受害最严重的州之一，宣布一个计划把成百上千的美元放入新家庭的口袋里，帮助更多新家庭买首套住房。我今天正在在教育取得了巨大的进步田纳西州的pellissippi州立社区大学和你们谈话，宣布我的让每个负责任的学生可以免费就读两年制社区大学的新计划。我在这里还建立一个把高收入高技术就业岗位吸引到我们的海岸的新枢纽。

making homeownership easier. bringing a higher education within reach. creating more good jobs that pay good wages. these are just some of the ways we can help every american get ahead in the new economy. and there?s more to come. because america is coming back. and i want to go full speed ahead.

thanks, everybody, and have a great weekend.

让成家立业更加容易。让高等教育可以承受。创造更多高收入的好工作岗位。这些仅仅是几个帮助每个美国人在新经济中致富的途径。还有很多。因为美国正在回归。我要全速前进。

谢谢岗位，周末快乐。

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第2篇

关键词：奥巴马，就职演说，修辞

[摘要]演讲是修辞的最早来源，修辞手法又是演讲中最常用的语言技巧。本文以奥巴马就职演说为例，分析其中所用的修辞手法，并举例说明。

演讲人的目的在于激发听众的感情，说服和打动听众。因此，演讲者常常运用诸多修辞手段来增强演说词的文采和艺术感染力。美国第44届总统奥巴马发表的举世瞩目的就职演说，使现场无数观众感动得热泪盈眶。在他的演说中使用了多种修辞手法，，本文以此为例从音韵修辞格、美学修辞格、结构修辞格三方面对其进行分析。

一、音韵修辞格（PhoneticStylistic Devices）

国内英语修辞论著《英语修辞与写作》（黄任，1998：162）认为“头韵是指一组词、一句话或一行诗中重复出现开头音相同的单词。”例如：

With old friendsand former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat…（押头韵）

This is the meaningof our liberty and our creed, why men and women and childrenof every race and every faith…（押尾韵）

二、结构修辞格（SyntacticalStylistic Devices）

（一）排比（Parallelism）

陆稼祥等（1991：166）是这样对排比下定义：“由三个或三个以上结构相同或相似，语气一致的短语、句子或段落成串地排列在一起，表达相似或相关内容的一种修辞方式。”排比也是奥巴马在其演说中使用的最频繁的一种修辞手法。例如：

（1）短语的平行排列（a group of Phrases）:即以短语形式组成的排比。

a. It’s been a longtime coming but tonight, because of what we did on this day, in thiselection, at this defining moment, change had become to America.三个介词短语构成排比，说明今天美国迎来了变革。

b. There is newenergy to haness and new jobs to be created, new schools tobuild and threats to meet and alliances to repair.五个不定式短语的排比，说出了美国面临的问题和要完成的任务。

（2）句子的平行排列（a series of sentences）：即由几个句子组成的排比，组成后称为一个句群。

a. I’ll be a President who finallymakes health care affordable and available to every single American…

I’ll be aPresident who ends the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas…

I’ll be aPresident who hamesses the ingernity of famers and scientists…

And I’llbe a President who ends this war in Iraq and finally brings our troops home…

四个句子的排比全面阐述了他上台后的施政大纲，四个排比句囊括了社会各个群体，表现了他对各个群体利益的关心，从而得到了公众的支持。

b. But I willalways be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen toyou, especially when we disagree. And above all, I will ask you join inthe work of remarking this nation only way it’s been done in America…

前面提出“我作为总统所做的每项决定或决策，会有许多人持有异议，我们也知道，政府不能解决所有问题”，面对这种情况，奥巴马用了三个“I will…”句式的排比，做出了很好的回答：“我会一直向你们坦言我们所面临的挑战，我会听取你们的意见，尤其是存在不同意见的时候。最重要的是，我会请求你们参与重建这个国家……”奥巴马这一亲民政策拉近了与听众的距离，赢得了听众的支持。

（3）段落的平行排列（a group of paragraphs）：即两个或几个结构相似、内容相近段落组成的排比。

And tonight, …she’sseen…the beartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress…Yes we can.

At a time…she livedto see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. Yes we can.

When there was…shesaw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs and a new sense ofcommon purpose. Yes,we can.

When the bombs…, shewas there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes,wecan.

这几段出现在演讲结尾，给演讲增加了排山倒海的气势，具有强大的煽动性，把整个演讲推向了又一个高潮。科技论文。

（二）反复（Repetition）

反复的表现形式是多种多样的，既包括词法、句法方面的重复，也包括音韵方面的重复，即音、形、义等不同层次的重复。例如：

Today I say to youthat the challenges we face are real. They are serious and thely are many. Theywill not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America, theywill be met.文中“they”出现了四次，指首句中的“challenges”，表达了克服危机的坚定信念，博得了全场听众的热烈掌声。

（三）对比（Antithesis）

对比就是把两种相反或相对的事物，或同一事物相反或相对的两个方面放在一起相互比较，使事物的特征、性质、状态更加突出，使表达的意思更加条理分明，使逻辑辩证力量更加强大。科技论文。例如：

It’s the answerspoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white,Latine, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled.这段话将年轻人和老人，有钱人和没钱人，民主党和共和党，黑人，白人，西班牙裔人，美国本土人，_，异性恋，残疾人和不残疾的进行对比，显示了奥巴马的仁慈和人人平等的理念。

三、词语修辞格（LexicalStylistic Devices）

（一）明喻（Simile）

明喻是就两个不同事物之间的相似点进行对比，用具体的，浅显的和熟知的事物去说明或描写抽象的、深奥的、生疏的事物，以获得生动形象，传神达意的修辞效果。例如：

For us, the foughtand died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg, Normandy and Khe Sarh.本句中“like”前面是本体，后面是喻体。

（二）隐喻（Metaphor）

隐喻是不露比喻的痕迹，没有明显的比喻词，比明喻更进一步的比喻。例如：

American who sent amessage to the world that we have never keen a collection of Red States andBlue States we are, and always will be, the United States of America.其中“Red State”暗喻共和党，“Blue States”暗喻民主党。

（三）拟人（Personification）

拟人法就是把物当做人来写，赋予它们以人的思想、感情与行为方式。科技论文。例如：

We remain a youngnation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childishthings.美国仍是一个年轻的国家，借用圣经的话说，放弃幼稚的时代已经到来了。

（四）夸张（Hyperbole）

夸张就是为了表达的需要，故意言过其实，对客观的人、事、物做扩大或缩小的描述。例如：

The snow was tainedwith blood.冬天的雪被鲜血染红了。

纵观奥巴马的整篇演讲稿，朴实无华，极少私用堂皇之词，这也使得他的演说被大众所接受。但在这篇看似平凡的演说中，他使用了多种修辞手段使他的演讲变得不平凡。正如纽约时报所说：他的演说富有节奏感，味道十足，语气恰到好处，几乎带有一种催眠和传教的功能，让人如痴如醉，欲罢不能……

[参考文献]

[1]吕煦. 实用英语修辞. 清华大学出版社，2004.

[2]方芳. 排比在英语演讲中的修辞作用. 安徽文学，2009年第四期.

[3]梁文道. 奥巴马的胜利是修辞学的胜利. 南方周末，2008.

[4]冯翠华. 英语修辞大全. 外语教学与研究出版社，1995.

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第3篇

On behalf of the Obama family – Michelle, Malia, Sasha and Bo – I want to wish everyone a very happy Thanksgiving.

我代表奥巴马家庭—米切尔，玛利亚，萨沙和波—祝各位感恩节快乐。

For us, like so many of you, this is a day full of family and friends; food and football. It’s a day to fight the overwhelming urge to take a nap – at least until after dinner. But most of all, it’s a time to give thanks for each other, and for the incredible bounty we enjoy.

对于我们大家，就像你们中的大多数人，这一天意味着家庭团聚、高朋满座;饕餮盛宴、足球大赛。这一天意味着我们要压制一下内心的焦急，小憩一下—至少到晚餐之后。但是最重要的是，这是我们为了享受极大丰富的财富而互致感谢的时刻。

That’s especially important this year. As a nation, we’ve just emerged from a campaign season that was passionate, noisy, and vital to our democracy. But it also required us to make choices – and sometimes those choices led us to focus on what sets us apart instead of what ties us together; on what candidate we support instead of what country we belong to.

这在今年尤为重要。作为一个国家，我们刚刚走出激情澎湃、热闹非凡并且对我们的民主至关重要的大选。但是我们还要做出一系列决策—有时候这些决策令我们关注那些分裂我们的事而不是凝聚我们的事;关注我们支持什么样的候选人而不是我们属于什么样的国家。

Thanksgiving is a chance to put it all in perspective – to remember that, despite our differences, we are, and always will be, Americans first and foremost.

感恩节给我们一个正确处理这些的机会—不要忘了，尽管我们有分歧，我们现在，将来也首先是美国人，而且世界第一。

Today we give thanks for blessings that are all too rare in this world. The ability to spend time with the ones we love; to say what we want; to worship as we please; to know that there are brave men and women defending our freedom around the globe; and to look our children in the eye and tell them that, here in America, no dream is too big if they’re willing to work for it.

今天，我们要感谢得天独厚的福祉。感谢我们还能够和亲人们共享欢乐时光;能信仰自由;能够见证我们英勇无敌的优秀儿女们在全球各地保卫自由;并且能够目睹我们的孩子们尽情欢乐，告诉他们在美国如果他们愿意努力，一切梦想都可以实现。

We’re also grateful that this country has always been home to Americans who see these blessings not simply as gifts to enjoy, but as opportunities to give back. Americans who believe we have a responsibility to look out for those less fortunate – to pull each other up and move forward together.

我们还要感谢这个国家，因为她一直是那些把这些福祉不仅仅看成是恩赐来享受，而是看成回报的机会的美国人的家园。美国人都相信我们有责任关注那些不那么走运的人们—拉他们一把，共同前进。

Right now, as we prepare to gather around our dinner tables, there are families in the northeast who don’t have that luxury. Many of them have lost everything to Hurricane Sandy – homes, possessions, even loved ones. And it will be a long time before life goes back to normal.

现在，我们就要坐到餐桌前享受晚餐了，而在我国的东北还有很多家庭没有这个福气。他们中的很多人在飓风桑迪的灾难中失去了一切—房子，财产甚至亲人。他们还要经过很长时间才能恢复正常生活。

But in the midst of so much tragedy, there are also glimmers of hope. Over the last few weeks, we’ve seen FEMA personnel, National Guard and first responders working around the clock in hard-hit communities. We’ve seen hospital workers using their lunch breaks to distribute supplies. Families offering up extra bedrooms. The fire department advertising free hot showers. Buses full of volunteers coming from hundreds of miles away. Neighbors sharing whatever they have – food, water, electricity – and saying again and again how lucky they are to have a roof over their heads.

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第4篇

你们好。能够有机会在上海跟你们大家交谈，我深感荣幸。我要感谢复旦大学的杨校长，感谢他的款待和热情的欢迎。我还要感谢我们出色的大使洪博培，他代表了我们两国之间的深远联系和相互尊重。我不知道他刚才说什么，但是希望他说得不错。(笑声)

我今天准备先做一个开场白，但我真正希望做的是回答问题，不但回答在座的学生提出的问题，同时也回答从网上提出的一些问题，这些问题由在座的一些学生和洪博培大使代为提出。很抱歉，我的中文不如你们的英文，但我期待着这个和你们对话的机会。

这是我首次访问中国，看到你们壮丽的国家，我感到很兴奋。在上海，我们看到了全球瞩目的发展——高耸的大厦、繁忙的街道和如火如荼的商业活动。中国迈向21世纪的这些景象给我留下了深刻印象。同时，我也期盼看到向我们展现中国悠久历史的古迹。明天和后天我会在北京，希望有机会看到壮观的故宫和被誉为“奇迹”的长城。的确，这是一个既有丰富的历史，又对未来的希望充满信心的国家。

我们两国的关系也是如此。毫无疑问，上海在美中关系史上是一个具有重大意义的城市。正是在这里，37年前的《上海公报》(Shanghai Communique)开启了我们两国政府和两国人民接触交往的新篇章。然而，美国与这个城市以及这个国家的纽带可以追溯到更久远的过去，直至美国独立初期。

1784年，我们的建国之父乔治·华盛顿派遣“中国女皇号”(Empreof China)驶往中国海岸，寻求与清朝通商。华盛顿希望看到这条悬挂美国国旗的船前往世界各地，与像中国这样的国家建立新的关系。这是美国人一贯的愿望——希望与新的国家建立新的、互利的伙伴关系。

在此后的两个世纪中，历史洪流使我们两国关系向许多不同的方向发展，但即使在动荡的岁月中，两国人民也抓住机会发展了深入的、甚至极不平凡的关系。例如，美国人民永远不会忘记，二战期间，美国飞行员在中国上空被击落后，中国公民冒着失去一切的危险护理他们。参加过二战的中国老兵仍然热情欢迎故地重游的美国老兵，他们曾经在那里作战，帮助中国从殖民统治下获得解放。

近40年前，一个小小的乒乓球带来了两国关系的解冻，使我们两国建立起另一种联系。这种方式令人意外，但却恰恰促成了其成功，因为尽管我们之间存在许多分歧，但是我们共同的人性和共同的好奇心得以从中显现。正如一位美国乒乓球队员在回忆对中国的访问时所说：“那里的人民和我们一样……这个国家和美国有许多相似之处，也有很大区别。” 无须赘言，这个小小的契机带来了《上海公报》的问世，并最终促使美中两国在1979年建立正式外交关系。请看在此后的30年，我们取得了多么长足的进展。

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第5篇

[关键词]就职演说 衔接 连贯 语篇

演说是在公众场合面对公众发表言论的一种形式。这一语类的交际目的非常明确，即公开地向听众传递信息，表述观点，阐明事理，抒感，以期达到感召听众的目的。语篇有结构特征和非结构特征。前者包括信息结构和主位结构，后者主要是通过词汇语法衔接形式体现的。

一、衔接与连贯

自从Hallida和Hasan于1976年合著发表了Cohesion in English之后，“衔接”一词才真正成为语篇分析中一个被广泛使用的术语。他们把衔接分为五类，分别是：指称、替代、省略、连接和词汇衔接。其中，指称又可分为：人称指称、指示指称、地点指示词、时间指示词和比较指称。

二、奥巴马就职演说中的衔接与连贯

本文将着重从人称指称、词汇衔接和排比结构三方面对所选文本进行分析。

（一）演说中的人称指称

演说是一种交际行为，故其时间、地点、人物和时间都很清晰。演讲者会使用第一人称代词“I， we”等来指代自己或者大家，用“you”来指代观众。当指称语境外特定的某个人或某些人时，则会用“he，she，they”或者不定代词“someone，anybody”等。如：I stand here today humbled by the task before us， grateful for the trust you have bestowed， mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation， as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition. 这一段_用8个人称指示语，分别是内指“I，us，you，our”和外指“he，his”。通过“we，I”的使用可以看出，奥巴马并没有自称总统，而将自己视作普通的公民，从而拉近与听众的距离。“you”指称听众，“he和his”指称语境外的布什总统。通过人称指示语的使用，奥巴马在这一部分中充分表达了自己对每个人的感激之情。

（二）连接

Halliday和Hasan曾对衔接做过如此阐释：“通过语篇中的连接性词语，人们可以了解句子之间的语义关系，甚至可以经前句从逻辑上预见后句的语义。”Halliday和Hasan的在Cohesion in English中把连接分为四种类型，即添加、转折、因果和时间。在奥巴马此篇演说中“and，also”用来表达添加关系，“but”和“instead”等表示转折关系，“then”表示时间关系。

（三）排比

Michael Hoey在Pattern of Lexis in Text中提到排比也是一种衔接手段。排比可以发生在词与词、短语与短语、句子与句子、段落与段落之间。作为一种强调手法，排比句主要是通过反复使用相同的句法结构形成相对平衡的排列来达到其强调和增进气势的效果。排比结构这一突出的显性特征使其必然成为语篇衔接的一部分。在奥巴马演讲中这一技巧被广泛使用。例如：This is the price and the promise of citizenship. This is the source of our confidence-the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny. This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed.通过排比结构的使用，奥巴马气势磅礴地表达了重树历史的决心，同时也强有力地唤醒了国民的斗志。

（四）认知因素对连贯的影响

通过以上三种主要衔接手段，连贯还与听话人或读者的认知密切相关。这一点在本语料中尤为明显。演说的主线是历时排列的历史事件。对历史事件按照时间顺序进行回顾后得出结论：要重树美国信心。这一连贯的实现可以体现在下面的选段中：“…mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors”，“Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath”，“In the year of America’s birth…”

三、结语

本文从衔接与连贯的视角对奥巴马就职演说进行了分析。分析发现，其主要的衔接手段是人称指示语、词汇衔接和排比。这些衔接手段对于语篇连贯的实现尤为重要。与此同时，听众对于外部世界的认知也是实现连贯的主要因素。因此，本文对于篇章阅读与写作都有一定的指导意义。但就演说而言，衔接与连贯只是构成语篇的主要词汇语法手段之一。除此之外，演说者的语音语调、逻辑性、主位推进等因素同样有待研究。

【参考文献】

[1]Halliday， in ：Longman，1976.

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第6篇

时尚阵营挺奥派

2012年美国大选恐怕比较有意思的是安娜·温图尔正面、高调地赞助奥巴马，带领时尚拱进政治，也许她一直奋斗不休的目标是要证明，时尚可以改变命运，不管怎么讲，她把政治变成了一件时髦的事情。另一方面，如果要争取时尚圈的选票，米特·罗姆尼怎么跟巴拉克·奥巴马比？一个是超过六十岁而且对_很严厉的中产，一个是瘦得可以穿得下定制Dior瘦版西装的工薪打拼族。更何况，她联手的是莎拉·杰西卡·帕克。

同2008年竞选时一样，奥巴马在18-25岁的选民中占票最高，这当然要拜时尚所赐，虽然不能说这些年轻人认同奥巴马的着装，但至少能想象，年轻人更在意他们的总统是否有足够的活力跟上新的时代。此外，基于很多时尚人士对奥巴马的热情支持——我们也不要忘了，2009春夏时装会上，有不少时装设计师专门以奥巴马作为设计主题，我们基本上可以知道，在奥巴马的支持者中，至少有一部分是这样的人：他们特别神经质，特别热情，特别的支持国际和平，而且从不理会动物保护志愿者的抗议，一转冬，就大肆地穿皮草。他们友好地微笑、点头，得意地昂着头，让人觉得所有人生活加起来也没有他们过的那一份更加美好。他们就算不关心奥巴马的各项改革计划，但他们一定特别理解奥巴马夫人的“混搭”对意识形态有着什么样的意义。

许多知名时尚力量比如《VOGUE》、《名利场》、《GO》等等正面力挺奥巴马，俨然已经把他当作时尚中人。上一次哈莉·贝瑞甚至说：“我会给他投一票，也会给他的衣服投一票。”不管怎么说，讨论总统们的西装不像两位夫人那样来得活色生香。由而还牵扯出不少设计师站出来表明立场。

但米歇尔本人是否会注意到这位设计师哀怨的嘟囔，我们不得而知。但有一点可以肯定的是，政治立场上，但凡是安·罗姆尼宠幸的，则是米歇尔鄙弃的。我们只知道她始终如一地贯彻她之前试验成功的一套时尚政治体系：名不见经传的设计师又低价位的品牌，比如桑姆·布朗尼2013春季新款。

虽然第一夫人青睐某个品牌一定会让设计师受宠若惊，政治人物带动时尚产业已经有许多成功例子，但是并不是每个设计师都甘愿为这份光荣放弃自己的政治立场。比如力挺奥巴马的DianevonFurstenberg，她根本没搭理安·罗姆尼挑了她设计的裙子，而且还声称：“要是没有一个共和党就好了。”在时尚圈里，米歇尔的地位显然是安不能相比拟的，在竞选期间，安好几次因为穿戴过于昂贵而招人非议，其中瑞德·克拉考夫（ReedKrakoff）的红装成为肇事主，人们扒出来这个牌子，而瑞德·克拉考夫承认罗姆尼夫人穿了他们的裙子，但他声明：“我们不愿意卷进政治里头。”

要想在这场时尚味浓烈的政治中明哲保身并不容易，相反的，要想远逃时尚圈的判决也不容易。另一方面，奥巴马所代表的多元化更适合时尚圈的喜新厌旧的脾性。对于时尚来说，奥巴马当选连任，也是时尚的胜利，尤其是在安娜·温图尔影响的范围内，时尚继续搅局政治是必须的，而且奥巴马夫妇本身多么适合做时尚偶像啊。

米歇尔·奥巴马PK安·罗姆尼丈夫们争天下，夫人们争衣橱

显然时尚团体大面积地倒向了的怀抱，再加上自2009年以来，米歇尔成功地用时尚来传递奥巴马宣扬的美国梦价值观，1年穿着的29个品牌，为美国带来过27亿美元的经济效益，在这点上，很多人认为她做得比总统本人还要好。她在最近一次全国代表大会上的演讲获得一致好评，力挫安·罗姆尼。

奥巴马与罗姆尼的这场较量，是76年来最严重的胶着，一直到投票日11月6日，两个人的支持率势均力敌，稳稳地杠在49％这个数字上。十月台风“桑迪”也没有改变著名的“摇摆州”比如俄亥俄州等选民在任何一方站稳。乃至于到了这个节骨眼上，两位总统候选人分别祭出了各自的妻子。自1933年埃莉诺·罗斯福第一次在全国代表大会上，以总统妻子的身分演讲以来，恐怕还没有哪一任的“第一夫人”受到过如此瞩目。

显然，米歇尔一直来受人称道的不仅仅是她服装风格贵贱混搭出神入化，颠覆了白宫第一夫人对于一些高级定制的迷信，同时她也由此践行了她所讲的：“一个人成功，不在于他能赚多少钱，而在于他是否能够帮助更多的人。”这句听起来空洞的政治措辞，在米歇尔这里可是实实在在的工作，过去四年，身为第一夫人的她扶持了多少美国新兴设计师，在她穿上JASONWU的裙子之前，还没有人知道这个设计师是谁，而这位吴季刚先生则说：“她用自己的方式，刺激经济一揽子计划。”——是的，她只是把一条裙子穿得像样，就实现了这位华裔的美国梦。在这场动人的全国代表演讲会上，米歇尔再把她的援手伸向了非洲裔美籍设计师翠西·里斯（TracyReese），两个争得你死我活的党派慷慨地对她赞不绝口。

相比之下，安·罗姆尼缺少这种煽动力，但这不能怪她。当她追溯家族贫困的时光，竟然一气儿跑到了祖父那一辈，她实在是含着金钥匙出生，父亲是市长，丈夫罗姆尼竞选的最大优势是有过成功的经商经验。显然，米歇尔握着拳头说起的是她与奥巴马求学时期：“那时，我们如此地热情，如此地相爱，如此地负债累累。”她穿上99美元的裙子很符合她说话的立场：“不忘本”。可是，在这方面安·罗姆尼却没那么容易被理解，她的穿着风格代表古典高品质，偏向内敛，明显要在着装风格上避开米歇尔咄咄逼人的时尚感。虽然她曾因为一件售价为990美元的瑞德·克拉考夫今年春夏新款衣服而招来了议论，有人认为她穿得太奢侈了。但在演讲会上，她还是选择了昂贵的OscarDeLaRenta。她确实是无意炫耀，可借眼下美国两高一低（高失业率、高负债、低增长），看着应该还很扎眼。

当“摇摆州”还摇摆的时候，总统候选人第三次辩论赛上，奥巴马夫人与罗姆尼夫人竟然双双穿上了一模一样的粉红色，赛后两位夫人分别上台拥抱自己的丈夫时，又惹来新一轮的时尚话题，有人急急地下定义：2013年，粉红色会火，将两位总统的竞选胶着推向高潮。

好莱坞跨界奥巴马

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第7篇

还记得上次第一个得到机会的上海复旦大学学生向奥巴马提出的问题是：“自1985年以来，上海与芝加哥就结为了姐妹城市，两座城市在经济、政治和文化方面进行了各种广泛的交流活动。那么，您将采取什么举措来加深美国与中国各城市间的这种紧密联系?”

相比复旦学生充满和谐的提问，第一位向奥巴马提问的印度女学生的问题很给力：“你怎样看待_的_?”面对这样的问题，奥巴马的回答开始有点语焉不详：“这个这个，_这个词在_教中有不同的意思，也有许多不同的解读。我想说，_教是伟大的宗教之一。”然后话锋一转，说起了“绕口令”：“我觉得我们都认为这个伟大的宗教在少数极端分子手中被曲解，用来证明向无辜的人民使用暴力的正当性，而暴力是绝不能被证明是正当的。”

接下来一位印度男生的问题更较劲：“你认为政府应该采取什么样的方法来确保人类的核心价值、无私的道德观、兄弟情义高于如今人们为之奔忙的物质利益框架?”还有一位学生问：“你常在演讲中引用圣雄甘地的话，我想知道你怎样在自己的日常生活中实践甘地的原则和价值。”对于这两个问题，奥巴马具体怎样回答的我就不赘述了，但是奥巴马在回答的过程中几次称赞这是terrific question(非常棒的问题)，而且说“很高兴你问到了这样的问题”。

另一位印度学生不无讽刺地提到，奥巴马以change(改变)为口号赢得民心当选了总统，而刚刚举行的美国中期选举，选民们却反过来要求奥巴马change。对此，奥巴马只能以不变应万变地说：“民主有个特别大的好处，那就是如果老百姓不高兴，就告诉你他们不高兴，不管总统高兴不高兴。”

从价值观到美国内政，印度学生的问题最后转向了外交。一位戴眼镜的女生问了一个所有印度人都想知道的问题――为什么巴基斯坦是美国如此重要的一个盟友，美国从来没有把它列入恐怖主义国家之列?奥巴马对这个问题也是有备而来，他试图说服印度人：“能够从巴基斯坦的成功中获得最大利益的国家就是印度，如果巴基斯坦不稳定，对印度来说是个坏事；如果巴基斯坦稳定繁荣，对印度是好事。”

最后一个问题是有关阿富汗的，一位印度男生指出，有报道说美国正在与接触以便在美军撤出后建立一个稳定的政府，然后质问奥巴马这是否意味着美国承认了自己无能。这个问题也够奥巴马招架一阵子的，在重复了美方在这个问题上的一贯和明确的立场后，奥巴马说：“我觉得一个稳定的阿富汗是可能实现的。但它会不会就是我们所期待的民主政体，也许不会，这将是一个有阿富汗特色的政体。”

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第8篇

Weekly Address

The White House

Saturday， April 21， 2012

Hi. This week， I got the chance to sit down with some impressive students at Lorain County Community College in Ohio. One of them was a woman named Andrea Ashley. Two years ago， Andrea lost her job as an HR analyst. Today， she’s getting certified in the fast-growing field of electronic medical records. Before enrolling at Lorain， Andrea told me she was looking everywhere trying to find a new job. But without a degree， she said that nobody would hire her.

Andrea’s story isn’t unique. I’ve met so many Americans who are out there pounding the pavement looking for work only to discover that they need new skills. And I’ve met a lot of employers who are looking for workers， but can’t find ones with the skills they’re looking for.

So we should be doing everything we can to put higher education within reach for every American – because at a time when the unemployment rate for Americans with at least a college degree is about half the national average， it’s never been more important. But here’s the thing: it’s also never been more expensive. Students who take out loans to pay for college graduate owing an average of $25，000. For the first time， Americans owe more debt on their student loans than they do on their credit cards. And for many working families， the idea of owing that much money means that higher education is simply out of reach for their children.

In America， higher education cannot be a luxury. It’s an economic imperative that every family must be able to afford. That’s why next week I’ll be visiting colleges acrothe country， talking to students about how we can make higher education more affordable – and what’s at stake right now if Congredoesn’t do something about it. You see， if Congredoesn’t act， on July 1st interest rates on some student loans will double. Nearly seven and half million students will end up owing more on their loan payments. That would be a tremendous blow. And it’s completely preventable.

This issue didn’t come out of nowhere. For some time now， I’ve been calling on Congreto take steps to make higher education more affordable – to prevent these interest rates from doubling， to extend the tuition tax credit that has saved middle-clafamilies millions of dollars， and to double the number of work-study jobs over the next five years.

Instead， over the past few years， Republicans in Congrehave voted against new ways to make college more affordable for middle-clafamilies， and voted for huge new tax cuts for millionaires and billionaires – tax cuts that would have to be paid for by cutting things like education and job-training programs that give students new opportunities to work and succeed.

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第9篇

Hello， Chicago!

芝加哥，你好!

If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible; who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time; who still questions the power of our democracy， tonight is your answer.

假如还有人不相信美国是一个不存在不可能的地方，还有人怀疑开国之父们的梦想依然在影响着我们这个时代，还有人质疑_民主的力量，那么，他们的疑惑在今夜得到了解答。It's the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen; by people who waited three hours and four hours， many for the very first time in their lives， because they believed that this time must be different; that their voice could be that difference.

在学校和教堂外面，人们排起了长长的队伍，人数之多在美国历史上前所未有。为了投上自己的一票，他们可以等待三个小时、四个小时。许多人是一生中第一次参加投票，因为他们坚信这一次必须有所变革，而他们的声音将举足轻重。

It's the answer spoken by young and old， rich and poor， Democrat and Republican， black， white， Latino， Asian， Native American， gay， straight， disabled and not disabled — Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been a collection of red states and blue states; we are， and always will be， the United States of America.

所有的人，无论年轻人还是老年人，无论穷人还是富人，无论民主党人还是共和党人，无论黑人还是白人，无论拉美裔还是亚裔， 无论_者还是异性恋者，无论残疾人还是健康人，他们向全世界发出了同一个信息：我们从来不属于共和党的“红州”或者民主党的“蓝州”，我们属于_合众国，现在如此，永远如此!

It's the answer that led those who have been told for so long by so many to be cynical， and fearful， and doubtful of what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day.

在如此漫长的时期内，曾经有如此众多的人们对我们说：对于我们的成功，我们应该淡漠，应该害怕，应该不相信。但是，历史之轮如今已在我们手中，历史之轮将又一次在我们手中驶向美好未来。

It's been a long time coming， but tonight， because of what we did on this day， in this election， at this defining moment， change has come to America.

通往今夜的道路很漫长，但今夜终于来临。特殊的一天，特殊的一次大选，特殊的决定性时刻，美国迎来了变革。

I just received a very gracious call from Sen. McCain. He fought long and hard in this campaign， and he's fought even longer and harder for the country he loves. He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine， and we are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader. I congratulate him and Gov. Palin for all they have achieved， and I look forward to working with them to renew this nation's promise in the months ahead.

刚才，我接到了麦凯恩参议员一个非常大度的电话。在这次竞选中，他作出了持久而艰巨的努力。为了这个他热爱的国家，他作出的努力更持久、更艰巨。他为_做出的牺牲，超出了我们绝大多数人的想象。他是一位勇敢无私的领袖，正因为有了象他这样的服务，我们才生活得更好。我对麦凯恩参议员以及佩林州长的成绩表示祝贺。同时，我也期待着在未来与他们一起为振兴国家而共同努力。

I want to thank my partner in this journey， a man who campaigned from his heart and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on that train home to Delaware， the vice-president-elect of the United States， Joe Biden.

我要感谢我的竞选搭档，一位全身心投入的男人——当选副总统乔•拜登。为了与他一起在斯克兰顿街道长大的人们，为了曾与他一起坐那趟回特拉华州火车的人们，他全心全意地竟选，他要为这些普通百姓代言。

I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last 16 years， the rock of our family and the love of my life， our nation's next first lady， Michelle Obama. Sasha and Malia， I love you both so much， and you have earned the new puppy that's coming with us to the White House. And while she's no longer with us， I know my grandmother is watching， along with the family that made me who I am. I miss them tonight， and know that my debt to them is beyond measure.

我要感谢下一位第一夫人米歇尔•奥巴马。她是我家的中流砥柱，是我生命中的最爱。没有她在过去20xx年来的坚定支持，我就不可能今晚站在这里。我要感谢萨沙和玛丽雅，我太爱你们两个了，你们将有一条新的小狗，它将与我们一起入住白宫。我还要感谢已去世的外婆，我知道此刻她正在天上看着我。她与其它亲人一起造就了今天的我。今夜我思念他们，我知道他们对我的恩情比山高，比海深。

To my campaign manager， David Plouffe; my chief strategist， David Axelrod; and the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics — you made this happen， and I am forever grateful for what you've sacrificed to get it done.

我要感谢我的竞选经理大卫•普鲁夫，感谢首席策划师大卫•阿克塞罗德以及整个竞选团队，他们是政治史上最优秀的竞选团队。你们成就了今夜，我永远感谢你们为今夜所作出的牺牲。

But above all， I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to — it belongs to you.

但最重要的是，我将永远不会忘记这场胜利真正归功于谁---是你们!

I was never the likeliest candidate for this office. We didn't start with much money or many endorsements. Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington — it began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston.

我曾经是最没有可能的候选人。起初，我们的资金不多，赞助人也不多。我们的竞选并非始于华盛顿的华丽大厅，而是起于德莫奈地区某家的后院、康科德地区的某家客厅、查尔斯顿地区的某家前廊。It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give $5 and $10 and $20 to this cause. It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation's apathy; who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep; from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on the doors of perfect strangers; from the millions of Americans who volunteered and organized， and proved that more than two centuries later， a government of the people， by the people and for the people has not perished from this earth. This is your victory.

这些劳动大众从自己的微薄积蓄中掏出5美元、10美元、20美元，拿来捐助我们的事业。现在的年轻人曾被认为是冷漠的一代，但正是这些年轻人壮大了我们的声势。他们离开自己的家庭和亲人，拿着很少的报酬，起早摸黑地助选。上了年纪的人也顶着严寒酷暑，敲开陌生人的家门助选。无数的美国人自愿地组织起来，证明了在两百多年以后，民有、民治、民享的政府并未从地球上消失。这是你们的胜利。I know you didn't do this just to win an election， and I know you didn't do it for me. You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead. For even as we celebrate tonight， we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime — two wars， a planet in peril， the worst financial crisis in a century. Even as we stand here tonight， we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us. There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after their children fall asleep and wonder how they'll make the mortgage， or pay their doctor's bills， or save enough for college. There is new energy to harness and new jobs to be created; new schools to build and threats to meet and alliances to repair.

我知道你们这样做并不只是为了赢得一场大选，更不是为了我个人。你们这样做，是因为你们明白未来的任务有多么艰巨。今晚我们在欢庆，明天我们就将面对一生之中最为严峻的挑战--两场战争、一个充满危险的星球，还有百年一遇的金融危机。今晚我们站在这里庆祝，但我们知道在伊拉克的沙漠里，在阿富汗的群山中，那些勇敢的美国人正在那里。为了我们，他们醒来后面对的是一个有生命危险的世界。这些士兵的父母会在孩子熟睡后仍难以入眠，他们担忧的是如何偿还月供，如何支付医药费，如何存够今后孩子的大学费用。我们需要开发新能源，创造新的就业机会;修建新的学校;我们还要迎接挑战和威胁，并修复与盟国的关系。The road ahead will be long. Our climb will be steep. We may not get there in one year， or even one term， but America — I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there. I promise you: We as a people will get there.

前方的道路还很漫长，任务很艰巨。一年之内，甚至一届任期之内，我们可能都无法完成这些任务。但我从未像今晚这样对美国满怀希望，我相信我们会实现这个目标。我向你们承诺--我们_民族将实现这一目标!There will be setbacks and false starts. There are many who won't agree with every decision or policy I make as president， and we know that government can't solve every problem. But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you， especially when we disagree. And， above all， I will ask you join in the work of remaking this nation the only way it's been done in America for 221 years — block by block， brick by brick， callused hand by callused hand.

我们会遇到挫折，会出师不利，会有许多人不认同我得某一项决定或政策。我们知道政府并不能解决所有问题，我会向你们坦陈我们所面临的困难。我会聆听你们的意见，尤其是在我们意见不同的时候。最重要的是，我会请求你们一起参与重建这个国家。用自己的双手，从一砖一瓦做起，这是美国立国220xx年以来的前进方式，也是惟一的方式。What began 21 months ago in the depths of winter must not end on this autumn night. This victory alone is not the change we seek — it is only the chance for us to make that change. And that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were. It cannot happen without you.

21个月前那个隆冬所开始的一切绝不应在今天这个秋夜结束。我们所寻求的变革并不只是赢得大选，这只是给变革提供了一个机会。假如我们仍然按照现有方式行事，就没有变革。没有你们，就没有变革。So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism; of service and responsibility where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves， but each other. Let us remember that if this financial crisis taught us anything， it's that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers. In this country， we rise or fall as one nation — as one people.

让我们发扬新的爱国精神，树立新的服务意识和责任感;让我们每个人下定决心，更加努力地工作，彼此关爱;让我们牢记这场金融危机带来的教训：不能允许商业街挣扎的同时却让华尔街繁荣。在这个国家，我们属于同一民族，我们患难与共。Let us resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long. Let us remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican Party to the White House — a party founded on the values of self-reliance， individual liberty and national unity. Those are values we all share， and while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight， we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progress.

党派政治，琐碎狭隘，不成熟，长期以来这些东西荼毒了我们的政治。让我们牢记，当来自伊利诺伊州的一名男子首次将共和党的大旗扛进白宫时，伴随着他的是自强自立、个人自由、国家统一的共和党建党理念。这也是我们所有人都珍视的理念。虽然民主党今晚大胜，但我们态度谦卑，并决心弥合阻碍我们进步的分歧。As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours， “We are not enemies， but friends... Though passion may have strained， it must not break our bonds of affection.” And， to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn， I may not have won your vote， but I hear your voices， I need your help， and I will be your president， too.

当年，林肯面对的是一个比目前分歧更深更大的国家。他说：“我们不是敌人，而是朋友……虽然激情可能褪去，但是我们的感情纽带不会割断。”对于那些现在并不支持我的美国人，我想说，虽然我没有赢得你们的选票，但我听到了你们的声音，我需要你们的帮助，我也将是你们的总统。And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores， from parliaments and palaces to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of our world — our stories are singular， but our destiny is shared， and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand. To those who would tear this world down: We will defeat you. To those who seek peace and security: We support you. And to all those who have wondered if America's beacon still burns as bright: Tonight， we proved once more that the true strength of our nation comes not from the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth， but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy， liberty， opportunity and unyielding hope.

对于关注今夜结果的国际人士，不管他们是在国会、皇宫关注，还是在荒僻地带收听电台，我们的态度是：我们美国人的经历各有不同，但我们的命运相同，新的美国领袖诞生了。那些想要毁灭这个世界的人们，我们必将击败你们。那些追求和平和安全的人们，我们支持你们。那些怀疑美国这盏灯塔是否依然明亮的人们，今天晚上我们已再次证明：美国的真正力量来源并非军事威力或财富规模，而是我们理想的恒久力量：民主、自由、机会和不屈的希望。For that is the true genius of America — that America can change. Our union can be perfected. And what we have already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.

这才是美国真正的精髓--美国能够变革。我们的联邦会不断完善。我们已经取得的成就，将为我们将来能够并且必须取得的成就增添了希望。This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. But one that's on my mind tonight is about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She's a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election， except for one thing: Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.

这次大选创造了多项“第一”，诞生了很多将流芳后世的故事，但今晚令我最为难忘的却是一位在亚特兰大投票的妇女：安妮•库波尔。她和无数排队等待投票的选民没有什么差别，除了一点：她高龄106岁。She was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons — because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.

在她出生的那个时代，黑奴制刚刚结束。那时路上没有汽车，天上没有飞机。当时像她这样的人由于两个原因不能投票--一第一因为她是女性，第二个原因是她的肤色。And tonight， I think about all that she's seen throughout her century in America — the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can't and the people who pressed on with that American creed: Yes， we can.

今天晚上，我想到了安妮在美国过去一百年间的种种经历：心痛和希望，挣扎和进步，那些我们被告知我们办不到的年代，以及我们现在这个年代。现在，我们坚信美国式信念——是的，我们能!At a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed， she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. Yes， we can.

妇女曾经没有发言权，她们曾经希望破灭。但安妮活到了今天，看到了妇女们站了起来，她们发表自己的见解，有了选举权。是的，我们能。When there was despair in the Dust Bowl and depression across the land， she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal， new jobs and a new sense of common purpose. Yes， we can.

上世纪三十年代，大萧条横扫美国大地，一片绝望。她看到了美国以新政、新的就业机会以及崭新的共同追求战胜了恐慌。是的，我们能。When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world， she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes， we can.

二战时期，炸弹降临我们的海港上空，全世界受到独裁专制的威胁，她见证了美国一代人的伟大崛起，他们拯救了民主。是的，我们能。She was there for the buses in Montgomery， the hoses in Birmingham， a bridge in Selma and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that “We Shall Overcome.” Yes， we can.

她看到了_通了公共汽车、伯明翰接上了水管、塞尔马建了桥。来自亚特兰大的一位传教士告诉人们：我们能!。是的，我们能。A man touched down on the moon， a wall came down in Berlin， a world was connected by our own science and imagination. And this year， in this election， she touched her finger to a screen and cast her vote， because after 106 years in America， through the best of times and the darkest of hours， she knows how America can change. Yes， we can.

人类登上了月球、柏林墙倒下了，科学和想像把世界连了一块。今年，在这次选举中，安妮的手指轻触电子屏幕，投下自己的一票。她在美国生活了120xx年，其间有最美好的时光，也有最黑暗的时刻，她知道美国能够变革。是的，我们能。America， we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonight， let us ask ourselves: If our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper， what change will they see? What progress will we have made?

_，我们已经一路走来，我们已经看到了那么多变化，但我们仍有很多事情要做。今夜，让我们问自己这样一个问题：假如我们的孩子能够活到下一个世纪;假如我们的女儿有幸与安妮一样长寿，她们将会看到怎样的改变?我们又取得了怎样的进步?This is our chance to answer that call. This is our moment. This is our time — to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the American Dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth that out of many， we are one; that while we breathe， we hope， and where we are met with cynicism， and doubt， and those who tell us that we can't， we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: Yes， we can.

现在，我们有了回答这个问题的机会。这是我们的时刻，我们的时代。让我们的人民重新就业，为我们的孩子打开机会的大门;恢复繁荣，促进和平;让美国梦重放光芒，再证这一重要的真理，那就是：团结一致，众志成城;一息尚存，希望就在;倘若有人嘲讽我们不能，怀疑我们能，那么我们就以这一永恒信条回应，因为它凝聚了整个民族的精神——是的，我们能!

Thank you， God bless you， and may God bless the United States of America.

谢谢大家!愿主保佑你们，保佑_合众国。

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第10篇

我读了奥巴马总统的信之后总结了一个道理，那就是要想实现你的梦想那你就必须坚持。

你可以想象坚持就是一把钥匙，而你需要打开梦想这扇走向光明的门，你试过了好多的钥匙，可是，都打不开梦想这扇门。而你有一次试到了坚持，这是唯一可以插进去的一把钥匙，你必须得珍惜这把钥匙，所以你要不断的坚持，心里想：“总有一天，我会打开这扇梦想之门。总有一天，我会看到光明。”

这扇梦想之门里有无数种选择，例如；医生、老师、科学家、企业家、军人……

而成功的人也有很多，例如； 像电灯发明者爱迪生，他用了成百上千次的实验，最终发明出了能持久照亮的电灯，因为以前他找不到可以持久耐高温的材料。想想，成百上千次的实验，成百上千次的失败，但爱迪生并没有放弃，而是坚持了下来，才造就了成功。

像飞机的发明者莱特兄弟，他们从小就有个飞行的梦想，他们经过不断地实验，失败，终于成功了，发明了世界上第一架飞机――飞行者1号，进行了第一次试飞，飞行了12秒，米。

而他们都是经过无限的坚持，才打开了这扇光明之门。

这就是坚持的力量，只要你坚持认真努力。就一定可以成功、实现梦想！

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第11篇

在他的眼中，成为总统的奥巴马除了多了几根白发，一切都没变。

对奥巴马支持率下降，维特更愿意多些耐心看以后，毕竟，奥巴马也只真正执政10个月

戴蒙・维特把20张为他带来殊荣的照片编成一个幻灯片文件，还在文件中安插了非常舒缓的背景音乐。

他从妈妈为他买的第一部佳能相机说起，用相机记录世界，而不是用语言表达，是他的习惯。在香港浸会大学的普利策奖工作坊做讲座时，两个小时，他说话的时间不到40分钟。面对各种提问，他的回答也是简单到不能再简单。

当被问及是否因为拍摄对象是奥巴马才能获得普利策奖时，他有点尴尬，但还是不情愿地说“可能吧”。

提问者至少该先看看他的简历：2002年，戴蒙获得美国最重要的新闻摄影奖之一国家新闻摄影师协会(NPPA)的年度地区摄影师奖，2005年，他因为拍摄阿拉斯加西部待受害者专辑成为普利策奖的候选人。

经过2008美国大选之年后，他变成世界瞩目的摄影师，不过是此前工作的积累：曾被35家报纸拒绝，每年至少按下7万次快门。即使是拍摄奥巴马大选的照片，每提供200张照片，最终被《纽约时报》刊登的也不过是一两张。

2008年，只有奥巴马

不管戴蒙拍摄过多少出色的照片，奥巴马是他始终不能绕过的名字。

在此之前，戴蒙一直在拍摄的另一个候选人约翰・爱德华兹。这个倒霉的资深人因为向妻子坦白有婚外情，被迫在2008年1月30日宣布退出总统竞选。

奥巴马当时只是一个资浅的政治家，虽然竞选口号有点吸引力，但实力似乎完全不敌前总统夫人希拉里。戴蒙接手任务时，并没有想到工作会持续一年。

工作绝对不轻松。戴蒙把其中一天拍摄的几百张照片编成一个类似快进的小电影，时长近一分钟。电影中，奥巴马异常忙碌：从一个机场到另一个机场，一次演讲接着另一次演讲，不断地和支持者握手。戴蒙尽职地记下所有可能是精彩照片的画面，最终被刊登出来的，当然只有一张。

从摄影师的角度看，奥巴马的外形非常适合拍摄。拍摄一个身材保持得很好、面部轮廓清晰、手势很少但动作有型的人时，至少不需要找角度以便把他拍得更美。当然，戴蒙从来就拒绝摆拍。每次随着奥巴马到各地宣传时，奥巴马的竞选团队也没有给他更多照顾，和其他媒体一样，在奥巴马进入场地前10分钟，戴蒙会有机会观察场地。在众多跟拍奥巴马的摄影师中，戴蒙还算是个新手，因此他经常会“不识时务”地提出诸多要求，比如从高处俯拍奥巴马拉票的现场，或者拍摄从卫生间出来满睑疲惫的奥巴马。

每天长达十几个小时的工作持续了将近一年，到2008年11月4日奥巴马成功当选美国总统，工作戛然而止，戴蒙甚至有点不太适应。

别太早给奥巴马定调

一年前的忙碌，很多细节已经模糊了，但戴蒙不会忘记，终于可以放心睡觉的感觉。

戴蒙放松的时候，奥巴马被推到风口浪尖。奥巴马从当选的第一天就注定无法轻松，2008年11月，美国正在经历着多年不遇的经济危机。“是的，我们能”曾让奥巴马赢得想要改变的美国人的心，一年后，美国人等不及了，因为他们没看到想要的改变。

2009年1月就职后，美国人对奥巴马的支持率高达70％；半年后，他的支持率甚至低于前总统布什在同时期的水平。在美国人看来，受命于危难的奥巴马并没有力挽狂澜的能力。

支持率的下降，源于奥巴马在内政外交上并没有做出让美国人满意的事情。奥巴马就职100天时，《外交政策》的23位博主、学者和专家给奥巴马在外交上的打分均为B+；到2009年11月，这些人再次打分，18个人给了他B－。奥巴马当政后虽然竭力在改善与世界各国的关系，但收效甚微，美国人甚至把阿富汗大选的舞弊丑闻也归结为奥巴马执政无力，更别说美国这一年来在反恐或从伊拉克撤兵上做得并不出色。

当然，对奥巴马态度的转变也和美国人的关注点转变有关。―年前，美国人更关注经济发展，―年后，对经济的关注下降了20％，反倒是对医保改革的关注上升了12％。而医保，恰恰是目前最让奥巴马头疼的问题之一。

从奥巴马就任以来，医保就是他关注的重中之重。按照奥巴马的设想，美国政府将在未来10年投入9000亿美元，为3000万没有医保的美国人解除后顾之忧。9月9日，为了推进医保改革，奥巴马在国会做了长达47分钟的演讲。演讲之前，奥巴马几易其稿。

“一个富有的国度中仍有成百上千的民众在受苦。我明白这项医保案的辩论是多么艰难，我也知道许多国人都在深深怀疑政府是否在为民执政。我认为政治上安全可靠的举措都将只是权宜之计。”奥巴马的演讲煽情依旧，只是听众不再一味相信。自由辩论时，当被质疑是否会将非法移民也纳入医改中时，奥巴马否认了，突然南加利福尼亚的代表乔・威尔森站起来大喊：“你骗人!”

虽然一天后威尔森为自己的无礼向白宫道歉，但他的爆发确实代表了不少美国人的心声。奥巴马演讲三天后，华盛顿万人游行，抗议医改计划。11月7日，医改法案在众议院以微弱优势通过，而奥巴马最初提出的9000亿扩大到万亿。

11月15日到18日，奥巴马访问中国，探求以美国为主导、地区联盟政府为核心，多种伙伴关系为框架的东亚地区合作。不管中国会不会因为奥巴马访华就让人民币升值或增持美国国债，如果能让美国人对他多些期待，此行目的就达到了。

戴蒙对奥巴马的态度倒是没有太大改变。作为一个新闻人，不适合谈论个人对奥巴马的看法，在香港接受《新世纪周刊》专访时，他还是建议美国人不要太心急，毕竟奥巴马执政不过10个多月，未来还有三年时间，不妨多看看，或者，奥巴马真的“可以”。

《新世纪周刊》VS戴蒙・维特

在跟拍奥巴马的9个月中，你拍摄了9000多张奥巴马竞选的照片。这么多张照片，你最满意哪些?

很多照片我都很喜欢，虽然大部分照片没有被刊登出来。如果非要选择最喜欢的，我觉得奥巴马准备去演讲时的那张不错。当时我进入场地前，突然发现幕布后面的光线非常好，于是和奥巴马的工作人员说，我需要远远地驾着照相机，等奥巴马出来。另外一张比较喜欢的是奥巴马在雨中演讲，他的脸部轮廓非常好，尤其是侧面。

当时是怎么想起要拍摄奥巴马的?仅仅是因为报社分配的任务，还是你个人也对奥巴马感兴趣?

这纯粹是奉命而为，当我最开始接受任务的时候，对奥巴马并不是很了解。事实上，即使是现在，我对他也不是很了解。作为新闻从业者，我们不能对任何政治家持有偏向性的好感。

从你以前接受的电视媒体采访得知，你的一些亲戚是奥巴马的支持者。现在有民意调查显示奥巴马的支持率已经在下降，你的那些亲戚们，还在支持奥巴吗?

没错，我们家族的一半成员是的忠实支持者。事实上我妈妈就支持奥巴马，她一直支持。现在我的亲戚们是否还支持奥巴马我不知道，但我知道我妈妈还在继续支持奥巴马。

你问过你妈妈为何支持奥巴马吗?是因为他的主张，还是因为他的个人魅力?一些美国媒体报道，很多美国女性支持奥巴马，完全是因为他的外表。

有这样的事情吗?我不知道。至少我身边的亲戚和朋友从来没有因为奥巴马长得帅而支持他，主要还是因为他的政治主张。至于我妈妈，她就是因为支持才支持奥巴马，最初她是希拉里的支持者。

你拍摄奥巴马将近一年，有没有和他工作之外的接触?一起工作了那么长时间，奥巴马认识你吗?

其实新闻摄影记者不太可能和被拍摄者有太多私下接触。大选拍摄结束后，我还去过几次白宫拍摄奥巴马的家庭，就在今年10月底还去过一次。但只是非常公对公的交往，甚至都很少交谈。奥巴马倒是认识我，但他不记得我的名字。有时候他会和身边的工作人员说：“可以让那个《纽约时报》的小伙子靠得再近一些。”

很多人认为奥巴马和前美国总统肯尼迪有点相似，你觉得呢?

没错，我也有这种感觉，尤其是他在很多人面前演讲时。奥巴马在演讲时手势很少，但似乎很有说服力。每次在现场，都会看到很多支持者和他一起狂热地喊口号。

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第12篇

“金钱是政治的母乳”，2012年美国总统大选是史上最昂贵的“驴象之争”，总共花费高达62亿美元，奥巴马和罗姆尼二人投放的电视广告超过100万条，耗资逾7亿美元，广告总投入规模比2008年的总统选举增长了40%。

奥巴马赢得选战是美国社会选择的结果。美国非白人裔群体力量增大，以及后危机时代美国中下层选民对共和党精英政治主义的不信任甚或反对，是他连任的必然。选战中奥巴马为争得人心，获得选民响应、认可的种种推销方式与商业营销异曲同工，因此对市场化程度颇高的美国的总统选战，从商业营销的角度审视、解读是成立的。

但亿万富豪罗姆尼败给奥巴马的事实，印证了一个常识，即在美国总统选战中的政治传播运作与商战营销方式太多的雷同，均脱胎于前人的实战与智慧的积累，构成了传播学与营销学两种不同运作方式的重叠。选战如同商战，光有钱是不够的，政治理念也是需要精心设计，加以推销的。有了这种认知，我们似可接受本书的命题：政治是可以营销的，也需要通过营销的方式加以推广。

调研是政治决策的基础，也是营销的前奏。选战伊始，如何判断选民对自己的认知，对总统的企望？如何对制胜的症结做出清晰的分析，破解竞选过程中的风险？所有预案的制定都是从调查研究入手的。正如书中所言，失业率始终是悬在每一位总统头顶的“达摩克利斯之剑”。在广泛收集民意后，奥巴马认识到金融危机之下，选民们最关心的就是经济，以此为准打出的一套颇有章法的“组合拳”，最终让其入主白宫。

虽然看上去罗姆尼更懂经济，但却并未提出能够解决美国经济危机和带领美国民众走出困境的良策。而他提出的全面减税、削减政府开支、同时保持庞大军费支出的经济计划则被媒体和专家认为是自相矛盾的空中楼阁，空想大于实际，缺乏实质内容和可操作性。

独到的政治语汇激励选民参选的热情。英国语言学家奥斯汀（JohnLangshawAusti）曾提出“言语行为”这一概念。在他看来，言语并不仅仅是一种语义的表述，更是一种“实践行动”。深谙政治传播之道的奥巴马提出了“Change”、“Yes，wecan”等口号，并在连任竞选、经济持续下滑之际提出了“Forward”，这些政治语言深刻地展示了奥巴马的执政理想：改革、继续改革。

攻心般的互动沟通让“奥巴马”成为时尚符号。奥巴马总是不遗余力地讲故事、卖梦想。网络、报纸、电视上风传的各种照片更是进一步拉近了总统与普通民众的距离。入主白宫后，奥巴马上演了一出又一出关乎衣食住行、柴米油盐、吃喝玩乐的亲民秀，一位不忘本的“平民总统”在潜移默化中拉近了与民众的距离。作为芝加哥公牛队的铁杆粉丝，他经常会现场看球，还时常与白宫幕僚们一起切磋球技。在口才方面，奥巴马更是堪比林肯、肯尼迪的演讲高手，直指人心的演讲艺术为他的个人魅力添足了分。特别是他在和女性选民的沟通上同样不遗余力，最终也收获颇丰。

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第13篇

【关键词】奥巴马 演讲 修辞（学） 肯尼斯·博克 “认同”理论

奥巴马自参加总统竞选开始，便以其卓越的演说才华折服了成千上万的选民。2011年9月12日，在美国“纪念9·11十周年”的音乐会上，奥巴马发表演说，回顾了美国十年反恐战争之路以及这十年里美国人经历的种种变故。

本文将探讨奥巴马在这次演说中自觉不自觉运用的一些修辞策略及其可能对听众带来的影响。这一探讨工具主要来自肯尼斯·博克作品中的“认同”理论。

一、“认同”理论

肯尼斯·博克是20世纪美国最伟大的修辞学家，也是新修辞学的创始人和奠基者，他的修辞学理论来源于古希腊亚里士多德的修辞思想，并且对其修辞理论进行扩展和延伸，形成了更深邃和成熟的新修辞学思想。博克在修辞情景的基础上提出了一个很重要的理论：认同说。这也是他的修辞学的核心理论。

亚里士多德古典修辞学的关键词被认为是“规劝”，重在强调有目的的劝服和劝阻。而博克新修辞学在古修辞学“规劝”的基础上更加强调“认同”，他认为修辞活动的本质和标志就是认同，认同的结果就是说服。比如劝一个人时，只有当你用他的语言说话、用同样的手势、甚至具有相同的思想或观点，你才能劝服他人，也就是说修辞者使用符号或语言与读者取得“同一”才能达到诱发他人行动的目的。而要实现同一，就需采取一定的手段，即认同策略。博克提出了三种认同策略：“同情认同”、“对立认同”和“误同”。

1、同情认同。同情认同强调演讲者与听众之间存在一种“共同情感”，说话者设身处地地为听话者考虑，从而产生了同情，与之建立一种亲情关系。为证明这一说法，博克曾举过一个“政客亲小孩”的例子，一个政客在竞选中亲了选民怀中的孩子，就相当于亲了选民，因此也就赢得了这个选民。伯克的同情认同最接近规劝，但是涵盖的意义却更为广泛。

2、对立认同。对立认同强调对立面，指的是一种通过分裂达成凝聚的形式。这里所说的分裂就是对立面。双方通过对立面达成一致，即双方能够认同他们有一个共同的敌人。大家因为某种共同反对的东西站在一起，达成一致。如在战争时期两个本来走不到一块的的国家因为有了一个共同的敌人而结成了同盟。

3、误同。误同又被称为“虚假的认同”和“无意识认同”。误同被认为是博克修辞认同理论中最深奥的一个部分。博克把误同建立在现代科学技术高度发达的社会，人们总是把机械和科技的力量误认为是人本身的能力。这种认同方式是人在无意识中产生的，是人们普遍存在的思维误区。比如，现代人通过网络选购服饰，在网页中看到模特穿着某款式的衣服靓丽无比，就会联想到自己穿此服装时也是该效果，因此对该广告达成认同。

二、奥巴马“纪念9·11十周年”演讲的修辞情境

博克认为，生活在某一特定地区和时刻的人们，不管他们自身的具体情况如何，都可以被看作处在一个共同的环境中，他们共同拥有目前以技术、财富和社会政治等为特征的环境，这就是修辞情景。认同和修辞情景是紧密结合在一起的，认同策略的实施离不开特定的修辞情景，而修辞情景的有关特征，也必须围绕认同来展开。

在奥巴马“纪念9·11十周年”演讲是美国当地时间2011年9月12日清晨在华盛顿肯尼迪中心举行的“9·11”纪念音乐会上发表的。十年反恐战争给美国人带来了经济和精神上的双重失落，并且这一切也助推了美国两党分野加大，政治分野导致美国社会对于美国政治的信心动摇。除此之外，外界对于反恐战争还有一个最大的质疑，那就是美军是否以“反恐”之名滥加军事行动以施其它目的。因此，奥巴马“纪念9·11十周年”演讲不同于以往任何一次有关9·11的纪念演讲，这次演讲不光是宣告美国打击恐怖组织胜利对曾受到创伤民众的抚慰，也是对美国民众经历四面的反恐战争十年后的解释。那么，从修辞学角度来说，演讲者与听众，至少是部分听众之间，存在着这样一个分歧：十年反恐战争的牺牲和付出是否是值得的？十年反恐战争是否换来了美国的安全？十年反恐战争的根本目的就是为了美国和世界的自由和平等？为了消除这些分歧，实现凝聚，奥巴马的此次演讲借助一系列的认同策略，来实现其修辞动机。

三、奥巴马“纪念9·11十周年”演讲中的“认同”策略分析

这篇演说充分运用修辞认同策略，意在劝服听众自2001年到现在，美国为打击恐怖组织所发动的各类战争是值得的，并且经过这十年的努力，美国现在是一个非常安全且更加强大的国家，从而起到安抚民众、呼吁民众捍卫民主和自由的决心的作用。以下进行具体分析：

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第14篇

当地时间1月10日21时(北京时间11日10时),即将卸任的美国总统奥巴马在其“第二故乡”芝加哥发表卸任演讲,回顾自己八年来的总统任期。以下为您带来奥巴马卸任演讲稿全文及中文翻译，欢迎浏览!

奥巴马卸任演讲稿(全文)

It’s good to be home. My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes we’ve received over the past few weeks. But tonight it’s my turn to say thanks. Whether we’ve seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people – in living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts – are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going. Every day, I learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man.

I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. It was in neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss. This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.

After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it’s not just my belief. It’s the beating heart of our American idea – our bold experiment in self-government.

It’s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It’s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.

This is the great gift our Founders gave us. The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination – and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.

For 240 years, our nation’s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It’s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. It’s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize. It’s why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan – and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.

So that’s what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.

Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard, contentious and sometimes bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.

If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history…if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran’s nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11…if I had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens – you might have said our sights were set a little too high.

But that’s what we did. That’s what you did. You were the change. You answered people’s hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.

In ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected president to the next. I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. Because it’s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.

We have what we need to do so. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth. Our youth and drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention mean that the future should be ours.

But that potential will be realized only if our democracy works. Only if our politics reflects the decency of the our people. Only if all of us, regardless of our party affiliation or particular interest, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.

That’s what I want to focus on tonight – the state of our democracy.

Understand, democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders quarreled and compromised, and expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity – the idea that for all our outward differences, we are all in this together; that we rise or fall as one.

There have been moments throughout our history that threatened to rupture that solidarity. The beginning of this century has been one of those times. A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism – these forces haven’t just tested our security and prosperity, but our democracy as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland.

In other words, it will determine our future.

Our democracy won’t work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. Today, the economy is growing again; wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are rising again; poverty is falling again. The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters records. The unemployment rate is near a ten-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in fifty years. And if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we’ve made to our health care system – that covers as many people at less cost – I will publicly support it.

That, after all, is why we serve – to make people’s lives better, not worse.

But for all the real progress we’ve made, we know it’s not enough. Our economy doesn’t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic principles. While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and rural counties, have been left behind – the laid-off factory worker; the waitress and health care worker who struggle to pay the bills – convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful – a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.

There are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree that our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocation won’t come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes many good, middle-class jobs obsolete.

And so we must forge a new social compact – to guarantee all our kids the education they need; to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from the new economy don’t avoid their obligations to the country that’s made their success possible. We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can’t be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don’t create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.

There’s a second threat to our democracy – one as old as our nation itself. After my election, there was talk of a post-racial America. Such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. For race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. I’ve lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or thirty years ago – you can see it not just in statistics, but in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.

But we’re not where we need to be. All of us have more work to do. After all, if every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and undeserving minorities, then workers of all shades will be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. If we decline to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don’t look like us, we diminish the prospects of our own children – because those brown kids will represent a larger share of America’s workforce. And our economy doesn’t have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.

Going forward, we must uphold laws against discrimination – in hiring, in housing, in education and the criminal justice system. That’s what our Constitution and highest ideals require. But laws alone won’t be enough. Hearts must change. If our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, each one of us must try to heed the advice of one of the great characters in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who said “You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view…until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.”

For blacks and other minorities, it means tying our own struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face – the refugee, the immigrant, the rural poor, the transgender American, and also the middle-aged white man who from the outside may seem like he’s got all the advantages, but who’s seen his world upended by economic, cultural, and technological change.

For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn’t suddenly vanish in the ‘60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they’re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest, they’re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our Founders promised.

For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, Italians, and Poles. America wasn’t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; they embraced this nation’s creed, and it was strengthened.

So regardless of the station we occupy; we have to try harder; to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.

None of this is easy. For too many of us, it’s become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college campuses or places of worship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste – all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we accept only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that’s out there.

This trend represents a third threat to our democracy. Politics is a battle of ideas; in the course of a healthy debate, we’ll prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts; without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent is making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, we’ll keep talking past each other, making common ground and compromise impossible.

Isn’t that part of what makes politics so dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we’re cutting taxes for corporations? How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It’s not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it’s self-defeating. Because as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.

Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we’ve halved our dependence on foreign oil, doubled our renewable energy, and led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. But without bolder action, our children won’t have time to debate the existence of climate change; they’ll be busy dealing with its effects: environmental disasters, economic disruptions, and waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.

Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders.

It’s that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse – the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.

It’s that spirit – a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, and build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but on principles – the rule of law, human rights, freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, and an independent press.

That order is now being challenged – first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets, open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what’s true and what’s right.

Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, and the intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support them, no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years; and although Boston and Orlando remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We’ve taken out tens of thousands of terrorists – including Osama bin Laden. The global coalition we’re leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe. To all who serve, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief.

But protecting our way of life requires more than our military. Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. So just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are. That’s why, for the past eight years, I’ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firm legal footing. That’s why we’ve ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, and reform our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. That’s why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans. That’s why we cannot withdraw from global fights – to expand democracy, and human rights, women’s rights, and LGBT rights – no matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem. For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.

So let’s be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight. Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world – unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.

Which brings me to my final point – our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. All of us, regardless of party, should throw ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. When voting rates are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should make it easier, not harder, to vote. When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes.

And all of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power swings.

Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it’s really just a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power – with our participation, and the choices we make. Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.

In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken…to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth;” that we should preserve it with “jealous anxiety;” that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one.

We weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character are turned off from public service; so coarse with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are not just misguided, but somehow malevolent. We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others; when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them.

It falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy; to embrace the joyous task we’ve been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours. Because for all our outward differences, we all share the same proud title: Citizen.

Ultimately, that’s what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just when there’s an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you’re tired of arguing with strangers on the internet, try to talk with one in real life. If something needs fixing, lace up your shoes and do some organizing. If you’re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office yourself. Show up. Dive in. Persevere. Sometimes you’ll win. Sometimes you’ll lose. Presuming a reservoir of goodness in others can be a risk, and there will be times when the process disappoints you. But for those of us fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in America – and in Americans – will be confirmed.

Mine sure has been. Over the course of these eight years, I’ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I’ve mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in Charleston church. I’ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch, and our wounded warriors walk again. I’ve seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. I’ve seen the youngest of children remind us of our obligations to care for refugees, to work in peace, and above all to look out for each other.

That faith I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change – that faith has been rewarded in ways I couldn’t possibly have imagined. I hope yours has, too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home were there with us in , in , in – and maybe you still can’t believe we pulled this whole thing off.

You’re not the only ones. Michelle – for the past twenty-five years, you’ve been not only my wife and mother of my children, but my best friend. You took on a role you didn’t ask for and made it your own with grace and grit and style and good humor. You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody. And a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model. You’ve made me proud. You’ve made the country proud.

Malia and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women, smart and beautiful, but more importantly, kind and thoughtful and full of passion. You wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I’ve done in my life, I’m most proud to be your dad.

To Joe Biden, the scrappy kid from Scranton who became Delaware’s favorite son: you were the first choice I made as a nominee, and the best. Not just because you have been a great Vice President, but because in the bargain, I gained a brother. We love you and Jill like family, and your friendship has been one of the great joys of our life.

To my remarkable staff: For eight years – and for some of you, a whole lot more – I’ve drawn from your energy, and tried to reflect back what you displayed every day: heart, and character, and idealism. I’ve watched you grow up, get married, have kids, and start incredible new journeys of your own. Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of you. The only thing that makes me prouder than all the good we’ve done is the thought of all the remarkable things you’ll achieve from here.

And to all of you out there – every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town and kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change – you are the best supporters and organizers anyone could hope for, and I will forever be grateful. Because yes, you changed the world.

That’s why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than I was when we started. Because I know our work has not only helped so many Americans; it has inspired so many Americans – especially so many young people out there – to believe you can make a difference; to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves. This generation coming up – unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic – I’ve seen you in every corner of the country. You believe in a fair, just, inclusive America; you know that constant change has been America’s hallmark, something not to fear but to embrace, and you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. You’ll soon outnumber any of us, and I believe as a result that the future is in good hands.

My fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. I won’t stop; in fact, I will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my days that remain. For now, whether you’re young or young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as your President – the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago.

I am asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change – but in yours.

I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written:

Yes We Can.

Yes We Did.

Yes We Can.

Thank you. God bless you. And may God continue to bless the United States of America.

译文：

很高兴回家，回到芝加哥!回家真好!

正如你们所见，我现在是个“跛脚鸭”总统，因为没有人再听从我的指示，正如现场大家每个人都有个座位。

很高兴回到家乡。我的朋友们，过去几周中我们收到了许多真诚的祝福，我和米歇尔深受感动。今晚，轮到我来对你们说声感谢。不论我们站在相同的政治立场上还是从未达成共识，不论我们是在房间还是学校、农场还是工厂车间、餐桌还是野外，我们之间的对话都让我更加诚实、更加奋进，也帮助我深受启发。每天，我都在向你们学习。你们帮助我成为一个更称职的总统，也帮助我成为一个更好的人。

我是在二十多岁的时候第一次来芝加哥，当时我仍然处于懵懵懂懂的阶段，仍然在寻求生活的意义。我开始与一些教会团体在已经关门的钢铁生产厂附近工作，当时那些小区离今天的会场不远。在那些街道中，我见证了信仰的力量，也在工人斗争中见证了工人阶级无声的尊严。这个时候，我明白了只有当普通人民团结起来、参与进来并致力于争取权力，社会变革才能发生。

在担任八年的美国总统后，我仍然相信这一条结论。这不仅仅是我个人的想法，也是根植在美国人心中的核心价值观，即寻求自主管理的大胆实验。

我们每个人相信，我们生来平等，享有造物主赋予我们的一些不可剥夺的权利，包括生命、自由和追求幸福的权利。

尽管这些权利看上去是显而易见，但是这些权利却从来不会自动实现。正是美国人民通过民主政治的渠道，坚持追求这些权利，我们才能够成为一个更加完美的联合体。

这是我们的先驱赋予我们的礼物，让我们有自由通过自己的辛勤劳动、梦想和努力来追求每个人不同的梦想。当然，每个美国人也应当同心协力，才能实现更加伟大的创举。

在过去240年中，美国精神一直鼓励每个美国公民积极行使公民权利，这给每一代美国人赋予了努力的方向。这也是鼓舞美国人推翻集权选择共和制度、探索开发西部地区以及修筑铁路的奴隶奋起反抗要求自由的动力。这种美国精神将漂洋过海和来自格兰德河的移民和难民凝聚在一起，鼓励美国女性走向投票站，也促使工人团结形成工会。这也是鼓舞美国士兵在奥巴马海滩、硫磺岛、伊拉克和阿富汗等战场抛头颅洒热血的精神。这更是鼓励塞尔玛小镇上黑人民权斗士和石墙中_运动人士捍卫自身权利的精神。

这也是为什么美国如此特别。美国的独特之处不在于我们从一开始就拥有完美的制度，而是我们有能力改变，并帮助那些寻求改变的人过上更好的生活。

是的，我们一路走来并非一帆风顺。推动民主体制向来非常困难，有时甚至需要激烈争辩或流血冲突。每当我们向前走两步时，很多时候都感觉好像反而是退了一步。但是，美国历史一直是在进步，一直在扩大建国精神的范围，来包容美国各个阶层和社会群体。

八年前，如果我告诉你美国能够从金融危机中走出来、重建汽车制造行业、并实现美国历史上就业岗位连续增长的最长记录，如果我告诉你我们能够与古巴重建外交关系并写下历史的新篇章、在不动用武力的前提下关闭伊朗_研究项目、并消灭911恐怖主义袭击事件的首脑，如果我告诉你我们能够实现婚姻平等、满足万美国人提供医疗保险的需求，当时的你或许会觉得我想得太远了。

但是，我们都做到了。这些都是你们取得的成就，你们就是实现这些变革的动力。你们满足了美国人民的愿望，也因为你们，美国在各个方面都变得更好，比我刚上任时更加强大。

权力从一个自由选举的总统向下一任转移的过程是平稳有序的，这是非常重要的。我曾向特朗普承诺，我的政治团队将确保此次换届过程非常平稳，就像当初布什总统把权力交接给我一样。因为，我们每个人首先要保证美国政府未来有能力解决我们现在仍然面临的问题。

在美国历史中，曾经有过几次内部团结被破坏的时候。本世纪初，就是美国社会团结遭到威胁的一个时期。世界各国联系更加紧密，但是社会不平等问题更加突出，恐怖主义的威胁也更加严重。这些因素不仅仅会考验美国的安全和法弄，也对美国的民众体制产生威胁。未来，我们如何迎接这些民主挑战将关系到我们是否能正确教育下一代、继续创造就业岗位并保护美国的国土安全“

医疗保险政策

目前，美国未参保人数比例大幅下降，医疗保健费用增速已将降至过去50年以来最低水平。如果任何人能够提出一项医保政策，并切实证明新政策比上一届政府提出的医保改革更加有效，能够尽可能地以较低价格覆盖广大美国人民，我会公开支持这种新的医保政策。

种族和移民问题

美国总统大选结束后，一些人认为美国已经进入后种族时代。尽管这种种族融合的愿望是好的，但是却不太可能真正实现。目前，种族问题仍然是一个可能造成社会分裂的重大问题。以我个人经历来看，如今美国社会的种族问题比二十、三十年前有了较大改善，这种社会进步不仅仅体现在统计数字中，也可以从不同政治观念的年轻一代美国人的态度中看出来。

但是，我们的工作还远远没有结束。我们每个人都还有很多工作去做。如果每个经济问题都通过勤劳的美国中产阶级与少数族群之间的冲突来解读，那么各个种族的工人阶级将为一点点剩余的劳动果实争得头破血流，而那些富人会进一步收缩进他们自己的小圈子。如果我们仅仅因为移民后裔长得不像我们，就拒绝给这些孩子投资，那我们也是在牺牲美国人后代的希望，因为这些移民后裔未来会在美国工薪阶层占很大比例。

少数族裔问题

对于黑人和其他少数族群需要共同奋斗来解决许多美国人面临的问题，这不仅仅包括难民、移民、农村的群人和变性人，也包括那些看上去享受各种社会优待的中年男性白人，因为这些人都面临全社会经济、文化和科技发生重大变革的挑战。

政治是一场观点的较量，这也是民主体制的设计理念。但是，如果每个政治团体没有一些社会共识，不愿意去了解新的信息，不愿意去承认对手方的论点合理，也不愿意通过科学论据理性思考，那么这场辩论中没有人在聆听，双方就不可能产生共识或者妥协。

环境保护

如果我们不采取更加积极的环境保护措施，我们的下一代就没有时间再讨论环境变化是否存在，而是忙于处理环境变化带来的后果，包括自然灾害、经济发展停滞以及环境难民寻求避难等问题。现在，我们能够也应当讨论如何最好地解决环境变化问题。但是，如果我们仅仅否认环境问题存在，这不仅仅是背叛下一代，也背叛了历史先驱们寻求创新并解决实际问题的精神。

恐怖袭击

过去八年中，没有任何一个境外恐怖主义组织成功地在美国本土上计划并执行一次恐怖袭击。尽管美国发生了本土滋生的恐怖主义袭击事件，包括波士顿马拉松炸弹袭击以及圣博娜迪诺袭击事件。对于那些一直坚守在工作岗位上的反恐工作人员，担任你们的指挥官是我一辈子的荣耀。

我反对任何歧视美国_群体的行为。我们需要更加警惕，但是不需要害怕ISIL组织(伊拉克和黎凡特_国)杀害更多无辜的人民。如果我们在斗争中坚守美国宪法和核心精神，他们就无法战胜美国。俄罗斯或者中国等其他国家无法匹敌美国在全球范围内的影响，除非我们自己放弃这种影响力，变成一个只会欺负周边小国的大国。

不论我们属于哪一个党派，我们所有人都应当致力于重建美国的民主政治制度。我们的民主宪法是一项杰出的成就，也是上天赐予的礼物，但是这仅仅是一张纸，宪法本身不具备任何力量。宪法的力量是我们美国人民通过参与选举、做出决议赋予的。

美国人应当成为积极参与政治的公民，让参与政治成为日常生活的一部分，特别是如果一些人对目前美国政治的现状不满的话：“如果你厌倦了与互联网上的陌生人争辩，可以考虑在现实生活中与_辩论。如果你认为一些问题需要被解决，那就采取行动组织力量。如果你对选举出来的政府官员不满意，那就争取其他人的支持来自己竞选。

米歇尔，过去二十五年中，你不仅仅是我的妻子孩子的母亲，也是我最好的朋友。你担任了一个不是你争取来的职责，但是你的优雅、勇气和幽默都给这个身份烙上了你自己的印记。

(奥巴马转向他的女儿)你们两个女孩聪明、美丽，更重要的是，你们善良而又充满热情。过去几年中，你们没有被聚光灯所累。在我的一生中，我为成为你们的父亲而自豪。

(感谢副总统拜登)从宾州斯克兰顿到特拉华州，你是我当选美国总统后提名的第一个人选，也是我最好的选择。拜登是一个好兄弟，就像家人一样。

(感谢工作人员)你们改变了这个世界。今晚，我将离开这个舞台，但是我对于这个国家比我刚上任时更加乐观.

美国民众对国家充满信心

我希望你相信，不仅仅相信我能够为美国带来改变的能力，也相信你自己能够改变这个国家的能力。

希望你们坚信美国建国宪章中记载的精神，相信奴隶和废奴主义者传播的平等观念，相信曾经通过游行争取移民公平权利的精神，相信那些将_旗帜插在海外战场和月球表面的国家信念。这种信念存在于每个普通美国人的心中。

是的，我们能行。

是的，我们做到了。

是的，我们能行!

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第15篇

呼吁包容获最长掌声

在演讲开始的前几天，成千上万的芝加哥人为了获得一张奥巴马的演讲门票而冒着严寒排起长龙，大批奥巴马的在职和前任职员们也为了此次演讲前往芝加哥。当“yes we can” 这句口号再次响起在芝加哥的上空时，孤身上台的奥巴马似乎多了几分感慨。

在“最后”的演讲中，奥巴马提到了自己过去8年来所兑现的承诺，也在多个焦点问题上再次重申了自己的立场。面对“最后一次机会”，奥巴马奋力呼吁包括医改法案、少数民族问题、LGBT群体权益、环境保护等问题。据此前特朗普竞选时的宣言分析，这些奥巴马引以为豪的政治遗产，可能会在特朗普上台后遭遇全面废除。

在这些可能被全面废除的“奥氏政治遗产”中，首当其冲的便是医改法案。2010年3月，奥巴马签署《患者保护与平价医疗法案》，美国约2000万此前没有医保的民众开始享受医疗保险，但该法案同时也给美国的中产阶级带来了经济压力，在竞选过程中一再被诟病。就在奥巴马进行演讲的前一天，特朗普表示他希望尽快奥巴马推动的医改法案，并以最快的速度或者同时就取代方案进行投票。奥巴马显然不愿意看到该法案被废除，“如果任何人能够提出一项医保政策，并切实证明新政策比上一届政府提出的医保改革更加有效，能够尽可能地以较低价格覆盖广大美国人民，我会公开支持这种新的医保政策”。

种族问题仍然是美国社会中一股强大而且具有分裂性的力量，演讲中，奥巴马不止一次呼吁公民拥抱包容性。他直言不该歧视_美国移民，此言获得了现场最长一段时间的掌声和欢呼。

环境问题方面，奥巴马政府的最大成就之一便是《巴黎协定》。面对特朗普对于就任后将尽快促使美国退出该协定的表态，奥巴马警告说，简单地否认环境问题，不仅仅是背叛了后代，还背叛了建国先驱者寻求创新及解决实际问题的重要精神，“如果没有这些积极的环境保护举措，那么我们的孩子将连讨论气候变化是否存在的时间都没有，而是忙于处理各种破坏环境带来的恶果：自然灾害、经济破坏及寻求避难的环境难民潮等问题”。

尽管演讲如同过去一样听起来“鼓舞人心”，但是奥巴马还是透露出了自己对其政治遗产能否保留的担心，他自嘲道，“正如你们所见，我现在是个‘跛脚鸭’总统，因为没有人再听从我的指示”。

留下近20万亿美元国债

与8年前竞选时提出的“改变”这一口号相呼应，奥巴马在演讲中细数了这8年来在他任期内美国发生的变化，“如果我8年前告诉你，美国将扭转一场大衰退，创造历史上最长的就业增长期;如果我8年前告诉你，我们开启了与古巴人民的新篇章，消灭了‘9・11’的头目……你可能会说，我们的目标有点太高了”。

8年前，当奥巴马提出“yes we can”这句口号时，美国恰逢金融危机，本身经历代表着美国梦的这位黑人总统被寄予厚望。上任伊始，拯救华尔街就成了奥巴马最重要的工作。

数据显示，标普500的金融板块在奥巴马任职期间上涨214%。同时，道琼斯指数从8000点上涨到了19963点，涨幅达148%;纳斯达克指数也在过去8年上涨了274%。奥巴马成为美国在任期间股市涨幅最大的总统。不仅如此，在奥巴马任职期间，美国GDP从2009年约的负增长开始逐步恢复，此后6年均保持正增长。2016年第三季度，美国实际GDP初值同比上升。

根据美国劳动局公布的近10年来的失业率，相比较2008年的经济低迷，如今美国的失业率已经从2009年10月的约10%降到了2016年12月的。要知道，在他就任初期，美国每个月大约损失80万个就业岗位。

尽管奥巴马在演讲结尾时充满骄傲地表示“yes we did”，但民调显示仍然有44%的民众认为奥巴马虽然很努力，却仍然没有完全兑现其当选时的承诺，尤其在美国经济复苏方面。

此外，奥巴马一直致力于削减年度财政赤字，不过美国财政仍旧处于入不敷出的状态。更令人担心的是，奥巴马还给接任的特朗普留下了近20万亿美元的国债。

为了刺激国内经济增长，奥巴马上台后大量发行国债筹集资金。资料显示，从1776年建国到1980年的200多年里，美国累计国债只有近1万亿美元;1981年至2008年的28年里，美国累计国债约10万亿美元;而奥巴马任职的8年，美国国债增加了9万多亿美元。

更令人担心的是，美国债务占国内生产总值比例一直居高不下，大大超过国际警戒线，一旦发生债务违约，将会对国际金融安全产生巨大威胁。

不仅如此，特朗普接手的美国同时面临着中产阶级人数减少、贫富差距扩大、社会分裂加重的现状。留下这一“烂摊子”的奥巴马也意识到了同一问题，在演讲中，他不止一次呼吁大家“团结一致、共同进退”。

退休后先筹建自己的博物馆

1月20日，55岁的奥巴马将成为美国历史上卸任时最年轻的总统。在过去的几年中，奥巴马曾多次表达过自己对于退休后生活的多种憧憬，包括继续为美国种族平等和司法改革、气候变化以及枪支管制等政治问题奔走，还有可能“买下一支篮球队”，或者去大学教法律。

不过，奥巴马退休后的第一件事是为自己在芝加哥的博物馆和图书馆筹集建馆资金。此外，乐于写作的他也许还会写一本总统自传。有出版商估计，奥巴马和米歇尔如果分别出书，获利预计会在2000万美元至4000万美元不等。

外界猜测，鉴于奥巴马仍然“年轻”，不排除有可能会被一些企业招聘的可能，此前奥巴马曾表示对硅谷和科技公司充满兴趣。前段时间，全球最大的正版流媒体音乐服务平台Spotify就向奥巴马伸出了橄榄枝，邀请奥巴马担任“歌单总统”的职位。

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第16篇

特别是将“以导引学 以练促学”与Cooperative Learning 和Creative Thinking教学方法结合使用，促进了学生的自主学习、合作学习意识，创新了学生的学习方式、思维方式，推动了学生随时学习、终身学习的理念树立，最终促进英语综合阅读能力的提高。

关键词：以导引学 以练促学 Cooperative Learning Creative Thinking

缘起：努力让学生接触生动有趣、原汁原味的英语阅读材料，如《21世纪报》、《李阳疯狂英语》、《英语广场》等，有助于提高英语阅读的时效性、新颖性，提高师生的英语学习兴趣，培养学生的英语语感阅读能力，最终促进英语教学。另外，高考英语命题注重时效性、生活性、新颖性，命题老师对近期的英文原作进行改装、重整、提高。让学生通过报刊阅读，尝试揣摩命题者的命题思路，也是我的教学目标之一。

我坚持进行每周三《参考消息》“副刊天地”即英语双语阅读已有两年多，感觉效果很好，学生兴趣也非常高。而在不久前，我有幸听取了美国南加州GENA小姐的专题讲座，其中的Cooperative Learning 和Creative Thinking教学方法和我校的“以导引学 以练促学”课堂教学新模式有异曲同工之处，遂有了将二者结合起来，对课堂教学进行创新的尝试的念头。我摘选了11月14日《参考消息》副刊天地Barack Obama′ s Victory Speech。

该期《参考消息》副刊天地的主要内容有：“画里话外”的5幅画，5段英中双语时事热点；“试说新语”，如Linsanity 、Nomophobia等热词的意思、来源及应用；“时尚英语档案”， 本期为奥巴马胜选演讲稿Barack Obama′ s Victory Speech，还包括难易程度、推荐理由等，

我围绕该教学方法精心设计了《导学案》，在课堂上努力实践“以导引学 以练促学” 教学新模式，鼓励学生进行合作学习和创造性思维，激发他们学习英语的兴趣、培养他们的英语语感，提升了学生的英文素养，得到听课同行的认可和赞许，也让我增强了进一步实践探索“以导引学 以练促学”促进英语报刊语感阅读的信心。

一、促进了学生的自主学习、合作学习意识。

导学案提前一天分发之后，学生四人一组，围绕着“topic monitor（负责确保大家围绕话题展开讨论）/language monitor（负责确保大家使用英语展开讨论）/volumn monitor（负责确保大家以适当的音量展开讨论）/participate monitor（负责确保小组每一位成员参与讨论）”等角色，对学习任务进行讨论、记录、整理 。每位成员都有其职责，都必须监督他人参与，每位成员都是学习的参与者、都是学习的监督者，每位成员都有机会发言汇报，这样大家互相帮助，互相提高，自主合作意识得以提高。

由于阅读量较大，课堂容量大，在总体理解的前提下，我对个大组的学习任务进行细化分工。如对演讲稿的细节理解，就分成四部分；句子欣赏部分，课堂上我讲解一句作为示范，其余的每个大组讨论一句等。通过这样的细化，学生既分工又合作，帮助各个小组明确学习任务，有效开展任务型教学，高效完成大容量的阅读任务，进一步提高了学习质量。

二、创新了学生的学习方式、思维方式。

“以导引学 以练促学”课堂教学新模式是由展示目标、编制导学案，学生自主学习、教师巡视指导，表达交流、精讲点拨，当堂训练、提质提能等四个环节组成。该堂课较好地围绕这四个环节进行教学组织，学生的主体作用得以充分发挥，学生的学习方式、思维方式得以创新。特别是让学生小组围绕5W1H对奥巴马获胜演讲进行自主设题，许多学生设置的问题还是有相当的技巧，给我们带来了意外的惊喜。这还是第一次大胆尝试，让学生对阅读有了全新的体验和感受，相信这种探索学习的热情和激情必将促进、伴随学生今后的学习和生活。这样的学生自主设题，有助于帮助学生加强高考等考试的命题思路，更有效更有针对性地揣测命题者的意图。

再如，奥巴马是位演讲高手，奥巴马胜利演讲稿就是很好的写作范文。我将其演讲全文、其竞争对手罗姆尼的败选演讲稿印发给他们，还提供演讲现场视频进一步引导学生欣赏、研读奥巴马获胜演讲稿。在课前课后引导他们讨论、对比中文写作修辞手法和演讲稿写作特点，进行深层次的学习提高。如他在演讲中用了用了许多气势恢宏的排比句（parallelism）；为了避免词语的重复使用，运用了语言的多样性（variety）即使用大量的近义词（paraphrase）；为增加演讲的感染力，还运用了不少平行结构，和中文的对偶对仗有点类似。

同时，我鼓励他们思考：为什么奥巴马、罗姆尼在总统竞选结果揭晓后都强调已向对方致电，都强调要团结？引导他们要有绅士风度，要公平竞争，要赢得起输得起等，引导他们要be gentle，要fair play，要有良好的修养（当然，也要看到美国总统竞选其实是两大礼仪集团人的博弈，其本质是相同的）。通过这些环节，一节平常的阅读课，变得越来越丰满；通过这些环节，对他们进行学法指导，掌握正确的学习方法，帮助他们养成良好的学习习惯，

三、推动了学生随时学习、终身学习的理念树立。

语言是社会的产物，语言随着社会的发展而发展。随着社会的进步，世界更加融合，学生的英语学习材料来源更加丰富，语言输入的途径更加多样，如众多报刊杂志的双语天地（参考消息、21世纪报、读者、意林、海外星云、每周文摘、李阳疯狂英语等），甚至学生身边的衣食住行，如服饰的商标、食品的外包装（特别是许多学生喜欢吃的伦敦瑞士卷，上面就有多达五种各国语言的说明），还有众多的网络语言（如LTNS好久不见等）、社会热词（如林来疯LINSANITY、江南STYLE等）。汉语也有类似的新词，如拼车car-pooling ，驴友tour pal，麦霸 Mic king / Mic queen等。

我自己一直坚持、也鼓励学生要留意日常的学习机会，随时学习。如入住酒店时，电梯的楼层示意图，房间里面的中英“顾客须知单”或“洗衣单”，上面就有多种生活用品的英语。再如日常生活用品包装上的产品说明，仅一块LODON瑞士卷上就有多达5国语言的说明，哪怕小小的矿泉水瓶上也有purified water的英语。这种无意的学习有时比课堂学习更重要，因养成了这种习惯，说明学习已变成了一种潜意识的、自主的学习方式、生活方式，这对学生的终身学习是大有益处的。

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第17篇

正当中国农历新年之际，美国总统奥巴马于2月13日在华盛顿国会山进行了2013年的国情咨文（the State of Union）演讲。4年前那个意气风发的奥巴马热情未减，而经过4年锤炼后作为一个大国总统所积累的自信和管理经验显而易见。长达45分钟的演讲，涉及内容很广，如男女同工同酬、最低工资、校园暴力、反恐、伊朗和北朝鲜核实力等。这不仅是奥巴马成功连任后发表的首个国情咨文演讲，也是他继就职演说后又一次对执政纲领的阐述，其将影响他下一个任期的4年。

何谓国情咨文？

美国总统的国情咨文，严格意思上来说是总统直接履行宪法赋予其的责任：“他（指总统）应该时常向国会通报联邦的状况，并向他们推荐他觉得必要的执政方针。”（英文原文用的是指男性的“他”，美国的国父们当初连妇女的投票权都没有给，当然没有考虑总统有可能会是“她”）。后来的国情咨文基本上则演变成了一年一度的“政府工作报告”。

最初，国情咨文只是递交的书面报告。自美国第28位总统托马斯・威尔逊（Thomas Woodrow Wilson，1913-1921）开创用演讲的形式国情咨文后，这变成一个传统，所以现在又把国情咨文称为国情咨文演讲。电视转播时，总统在演讲前递给众议院院长和副总统的那个大大的信封里，装的就是国情咨文的书面报告。如今，总统与国会之间的交流逐渐变成了总统与人民的交流，从某种意义上来说也是与世界的交流。正因为如此，这个过去在白天的重要演讲，现在改在了美国东部时间的21点。

其实“国情咨文”这个名称颇为咬文嚼字，倒是最初的名字一目了然―“总统致国会年度信息”（the President's Annual Message to Congress）。“信息”一词特别符合美国政治体系的氛围，所有的活动归根结底都围绕着某个“信息”，就连总统大选也不例外。所以研读国情咨文的重点是捕捉关键信息，那么2013年奥巴马的国情咨文演讲有哪些主要信息呢？

今非昔比：强调进步

笔者在2012年《新财富》10月号上发表的《总统大选vs.美国经济》一文中，预测奥巴马将要获胜的重要依据就是，当时美国经济正在逐步改善，而不少评论家根据历史资料和当时的失业率和经济增长率得出了截然相反的结论。获胜后的第一次国情咨文，奥巴马强调的依然是今非昔比的“进步”。

奥巴马开门见山地表示：“51年前，肯尼迪总统对国会说‘宪法赋予我们的是为取得进步的合作伙伴关系而不是为权力倾轧的竞争对手？？？？’。因为美国人民的勇气和决心，我有很多进步向各位汇报：在耗时10年令人筋疲力竭的战争之后，我们勇敢的战士们开始回到家园；在经历了伤筋动骨煎熬的经济萧条之后，我们创造了600万个新的就业机会；过去5年里，我们购买了更多美国制造的汽车；过去20年，我们减少了海外石油的进口；房地产业开始得到治愈；股市正在复苏；消费者、病人和房主们享有前所未有的保护。万众一心，在清理了经济危机的瓦砾之后，我们可以非常有信心地宣称，我们的联邦变得更加强大。”

短短数语，暗喻了奥巴马受命于危难之时，不辱使命，把共和党和小布什留给他的烂摊子收拾得有条有理。表面上，他很谦虚地将成绩归功于美国人民，但实际上是再次提醒美国人民，奥巴马政府在过去4年里功比天高。

至于引用肯尼迪关于宪法的名言，更是用心良苦，既暗喻对共和党的批评，又呼吁更多的两党合作。获得连任的奥巴马不再有美国政客顾忌选民意愿的软肋（美国宪法规定总统最多任两期，奥巴马不会再次竞选），他的主要精力将会放在树立自己的政治丰碑上。至于政治对手共和党的反对，甚至来自内的反对声音，对他执政的影响都会相对减弱。一个意识形态更加清晰、政治手段更加强悍的奥巴马政府将会主导美国社会的未来4年，其将造成的影响也会远远超过奥巴马的任期。

正因为无所顾忌，奥巴马在他的演讲里直击贫富不均。虽然共和党和都认同美国的繁荣富强取决于一个日益强大和富有的中产阶级，但前者强调把蛋糕做大，后者则强调把蛋糕切匀，社会平等是奥巴马及其所代表的的核心价值之一。奥巴马从来就不避讳用对比的方法来迎合民众的不满，他也比以往任何时候都更不顾忌跨国公司和财团的反对。他说：“公司的利润创历史新高，可是10多年来老百姓的薪金收入却步履蹒跚？？？？我们的使命未尽，我们要确保我们的政府是为大众谋利而不是权贵少数？？？？我们要为我们的每一个孩子打开机会的大门。”

无可奈何：再踢“财政悬崖”这个罐头

很多人都以为当初闹得全世界沸沸扬扬的“美国财政悬崖”，是以2012年底美国两党达成税收协议而收场。其实不然，在两党就美国财政赤字多次谈判未果的情况下，双方达成协议―争取更多的谈判时间：即到2013年的3月1日双方要就美国的财政赤字和债务达成共识，否则一个不分青红皂白，包括国防在内的一揽子财务削减计划将要被执行。这一削减计划被称为“全面削减”（“the sequester”），当初协议的初衷并不是真的要进行这样非理性的削减，而是希望赢得更多的谈判时间。

美国人把这种做法称为“踢罐头”，即踢一脚，走一程，得过且过的权益之计。事实上，在争取到了时间后，双方并没有认真谈判，而是把“宝”押在总统大选上，因为大选结果会影响双方的谈判实力。没想到大选一过，奥巴马当选，“全面削减”迫在眉睫。这颇有点像小学生做作业，不到交作业最后一分钟就是坐不下来。如果双方不能就理性削减开支达成协议，那么“全面削减”将意味着在2013财政年度全面削减850亿美元的开支，目标是在今后10年共减少10万亿美元的赤字。奥巴马如坐针毡，他说：“这些突然的、苛刻的、武断的全面削减将会损害我们的军事作战能力；将会使得教育、能源和医学研究受挫；肯定会使得经济复苏放缓，使得数以万计的工作机会成为泡影？？？？这实在是一个非常糟糕的做法。”

共和党和的另一个分水岭就是共和党的“低税收+小政府”vs.的“高税收+大政府”。奥巴马虽然同意削减开支，但是他同时希望增加税收。不过共和党似乎并不这么认为，他们想你在多征富人的税上赢了一招，现在该削减开支了。这个“全面削减”的计划是双方当初协定的，怎么减可以谈，但是不要再拿加税说事。你要是不愿意全面减，那就保国防，多减教育、能源和医学研究嘛。奥巴马气急败坏地反驳：“这个想法更糟糕。是的，我们的长期债务最大的增长动力来自为日益老龄化的群体所支付的健康和医疗费用？？？？但是仅仅是简单地把更多的负担和费用让本来就在挣扎的美国家庭来负担，或是强迫社会去解聘更多的教师、警察和消防队员，这和我们要发展中产阶级的初衷背道而驰。”

奥巴马表示愿意考虑对医疗保险制度进行改革（面临内部的反对），但是呼吁政府要保证老年人的医疗质量和他们的退休生活。这里有一句特别精彩的句子：“我们的政府不应该许诺不能兑现的诺言，但是诺言一旦许下，我们一定要兑现（Our government shouldn't make promises we cannot keep-but we must keep the promises we've already made.）。”

当然说易行难，美国政治制度的一个重要成分就是许诺，竞选本身就是许诺运动。兑现可就不易了，客观条件的变化常常使得政客不得不自己打自己的耳光，而两党的意识形态之争又常常让美国总统也有力不从心之感。美国的财政赤字和国债将是两党在今后四年里的一场关键之争。“财政悬崖”的危机尚未解除，这个罐头还能踢多久，全世界拭目以待。

用心良苦：呼吁全面税务改革

与“财政悬崖”息息相关的是税务制度。从纳税人的角度，笔者非常赞同进行全面的税务制度改革，因为美国的税法实在是复杂。不过，奥巴马的税改醉翁之意不在酒，他希望的还是通过税改提高对富人和公司的税收。

“现在是进行一场前所未有的、由两党合作的全面税务改革的天赐良机，这一改革将鼓励新的就业机会和帮助降低赤字。美国人民应该享有一个简单的税法，让我们的小企业可以花较少的时间填写那些复杂的税表，花更多的时间发展业务和聘用新员工；让企业不再被鼓励把工作移往海外，鼓励企业和制造商在本土创造更多的就业机会。”当然税法从来就是共和党和泾渭分明的焦点，奥巴马要想进行全面的税制改革，就必须要在意识形态方面有所妥协。可是刚刚获得连任的他风头正劲，好像并没有兴趣做出太多的让步，所以全面的税务改革应该是一根难啃的骨头。

他倒是说了一句大实话：“我们双方都不可能100%得到我们想要的东西？？？？让我们把党的利益放在一边？？？？作为世界上最伟大的国家，我们不能再继续从一个人造的危机走向另一个。”在当了世界上最强大国家的总统4年之后，奥巴马终于道出了自己的百般无奈，当然他本人作为总统又何尝不是“人造危机”的参与者呢？遗憾的是党的利益永远都不会被放在一边，两党之争也将继续下去。

独具匠心：“磁石计划”创就业

从来就没有管理经验的奥巴马在积累4年的总统实干经验后，终于意识到就业的重要性。“每天我们都应该问我们自己三个问题：如何才能把工作吸引到美国来？怎样才能让人民面对这些工作胜任有余？如何才能确保努力的工作带来富裕的生活？”

在经过金融危机的洗礼后，全世界的领导人都比以往更清晰地认识到就业是皮，皮之不存，经济发展、社会和谐这些毛都将不存。这三个问题环环相扣，第一个问题的关键是“吸引”，奥巴马的第一优先策略是“让美国成为吸引新工作和制造业的磁铁（Our first priority is making America amagnet for new jobs and manufacturing.）”这里传递一个重要的信息：制造业非常重要，一反数年前四处说教，让其他国家效仿美国模式发展内需的态度，奥巴马意识到了制造业的重要性。前几年他大张旗鼓地推动出口，可是发现出口上去了，就业并没有上去。而制造业在创造就业和稳定经济方面所起到的磐石作用，却在金融危机中日益凸现出来。第二个问题的关键是教育和培训要对口，就在美国失业率居高不下的这些年，大量的技术工种找不到能够胜任的工人。

其实中国眼下农民工短缺、大学生失业的怪现象也是教育和培训脱节的恶果。当奥巴马发表演讲的时候，苹果的首席执行官蒂姆・库克作为应邀嘉宾在场聆听，因为奥巴马在他的演讲里提到了苹果将在美国本土生产电脑。虽然这里面多少有点作秀的成分，库克在听到奥巴马说到苹果将要本土化生产时的尴尬一笑让人回味无穷，不过，美国和世界的制造业之争势必将愈演愈烈。中国的制造业，我们准备好了吗？

居安思危：新能源和环境保护

“没有任何领域比在能源方面的投资更能带给我们希望？？？？”，奥巴马列举美国近年来在能源方面取得的进展：本土出产的石油比重递增；汽车每加仑汽油行驶距离翻了一番；再生能源如风能和光能正在创造更多的优质就业机会；天然气的产量达到前所未有的高度，每个美国家庭都因此而受益；汽车污染物的排放有所下降。奥巴马在列举了一系列的自然灾害和环境变化后，强调了美国政府开发新能源和保护自然环境的决心和能力。

笔者因公务常常在中美之间旅行，每次最感震撼的是飞机抵达北京时和返回芝加哥时鸟瞰地面的对比，前者是污气弥漫，后者是清晰可见。然而，美国政府却依然居安思危，这一点实在是值得_借鉴。

中国化石能源的比例现在高达92%，是目前世界最高的，其他包括水电、核电、风能和太阳能在内的能源仅占8%。而中国化石能源的结构又是最特别的，70%的煤，18%的石油，4%的天然气，相比之下，美国则是32%的煤、30%的石油、天然气大概24%-25%，与全球平均水平基本相符。因为煤炭的排放是天然气同等热量排放的两倍，因此中国的减排压力非常之大。这种结构性的症结，加上飞速发展的汽车工业和中国的13亿人口，将使得能源和环境保护成为中华民族伟大复兴道路上的一场生死之战。

一箭三雕：倡导基础建设

“今晚，我提议一个‘先修复它’（Fix-It-First）的计划，旨在修复长久失修的基础设施，比如全国将近7万座已经不能适应时代需求的桥梁。”不知道奥巴马这一个想法的灵感是否来自中国，笔者闻之的第一直觉就是很像金融危机后_的4万亿计划。这一建议如得到采纳，那么美国的失业率可能出现明显的下降，而其对刺激经济复苏也会有比较明显的效果。“让我们向世界证明没有比美国更适合投资经商的环境，让我们现在就做。”奥巴马踌躇满志地宣称。

奥巴马的“先修复它”还包括对学校、管道和港口的修复，他还特别提及对房地产行业的支持。笔者曾在多篇文章中提到，美国经济复苏的关键在于房地产，因为它不仅是创造就业的一大产业，而且还是一个牵动多行业的关键行业。现在房地产业复苏的趋势愈发明显，加上政府的扶持，美国经济的复苏出现可持续的势头。奥巴马的“先修复它”实在是一箭三雕：创造就业、刺激消费、改善投资环境。短期看是立竿见影，近水解近渴；长远看则是源清流洁，本盛末弘。

高瞻远瞩：扶持学龄前教育

在奥巴马的整篇讲话中，最出乎笔者意料，同时也是最为之折服的，是他把学龄前教育专门作为一个重点加以阐述。

“我们上面说的关于制造业、能源、基础建设和房地产方面的政策将会帮助企业家们和中小企业发展业务、创造更多的就业。但是如果不能让我们的公民掌握这些工作所需求的技能，那么一切将无济于事。而这必须从娃娃抓起。研究结果一再证明儿童越早开始学习，他或她今后就会越成功。可是今天的美国只有30%的4岁孩子在优质的学前班学习。大部分的中产阶级根本无法支付每周数百美元的私立学前班费用。对于那些根本无望进入学前班学习的孩子们来说，他们的一生可能因为这一缺憾而被罩上阴影。我提议和州政府携手合作，把优质的学龄前教育提供给美国的每一个孩子。我们在早期教育投入的每1美元将在未来节省7美元，因为早期教育会提高毕业率，降低青少年怀孕，甚至减少青少年犯罪。”

说出乎意料，因为教育尤其是学龄前教育从来就不是政客的关注焦点，因为它们从来就不是政绩的重点。或许是奥巴马没有再次竞选的后顾之忧，或许是他自己是两个未成年孩子的父亲？无论如何，这是第一位国家元首在如此重要的执政报告中将学龄前教育提高到前所未有的重要位置。

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第18篇

现年四十七岁的奥巴马，十二年前还只是一名地方律师，而他当选国会参议员也才短短三年。如今，这个资历浅薄的政坛新人却成了美国二百多年历史、四十四任总统中唯一的非白种人总统，其“坐上火箭”般的蹿升速度着实令人惊异。

奥巴马的成功，成就了一个完美的美国梦。那么，奥巴马是如何获得成功的呢？

勤奋坚毅 混血小子

跻身精英阶层

有人说，奥巴马人生经历之曲折，恐怕没有哪个美国总统候选人比得上，用作家本・华莱士的话说，其故事“堪比林肯的小木屋经历”。而也正是这样充满坎坷的人生经历，使奥巴马不同于美国历史上以往任何一位总统。从火奴鲁鲁（檀香山）到雅加达，奥巴马漂泊四海的经历造就了他具有独特魅力的性格，从而使他成为继约翰・肯尼迪之后在美国本土以外最受欢迎的政治人物。

奥巴马是一个黑白混血儿，1961年8月4日出生在美国夏威夷檀香山。可以说，他一来到人间，身上就混合了不同的文化背景――他的父亲是一名来自肯尼亚的黑人留学生，母亲是堪萨斯州一名白人女子，两人在就读夏威夷大学期间相识。在奥巴马两岁多的时候，父母婚姻破裂。六岁时，奥巴马又随母亲和继父――一位印尼石油公司经理，来到印度尼西亚。

奥巴马在印尼雅加达的一所_学校度过了四年。虽然常被人称为“小_”，但年幼的他学习勤奋，为人友善，并展现出组织天赋。他的老师这样描述他：“他总想成为第一，站在最前面。他有天生的领导欲。”从一年级开始，他就负责“排队”，同学们也很自然地听从他的指挥。有时候，朋友们发生争执时也会找奥巴马作仲裁，他会抓住一个朋友的手，再抓住另一个的手，硬拉着他们握手言和。十岁时，奥巴马的家庭再度破碎，母亲与继父离婚，奥巴马被送回夏威夷，与外祖父母生活在一起。

奥巴马的妹妹认为，母亲、外祖父以及外祖母对奥巴马的人格形成有着重要的作用：他从母亲那里继承了弥合分歧、保持开阔思维的能力，以及好奇心、同情心和对冒险的热爱；从外祖母那里，他继承了实用主义、冷静的头脑以及在风暴中心处变不惊的能力；从外祖父那里，奥巴马学会了打牌，也学到了外祖父对生活的热情和“一切皆有可能”的生活态度。

直到十八岁时，奥巴马才开始在美国本土生活。他在加利福尼亚州西方学院学习几年后转入位于纽约的哥伦比亚大学继续深造。1985年，大学毕业的奥巴马来到芝加哥，他获得了一份社区干事的工作，年薪仅为一点三万美元。虽然收入甚微，但这段经历打破了他原先巨大的孤独感。与人们分享自己的生活故事使他逐渐意识到自己一直在寻找的目标。奥巴马把这段时间定性为“寻根式”的精神觉醒，他在这里加入了被他称为“精神导师”的黑人牧师赖特所在的教会。

1996年，奥巴马出马竞选伊利诺伊州参议员席位并获得成功。自此，奥巴马正式迈入政坛。尽管其平凡的出身被《芝加哥论坛报》形容为“看似不可能的从‘菜鸟’到宝石的历程”，但奥巴马夫妇身上集合了好几所名校的光环，精英化程度丝毫不输于_夫妇。虽然_因夫人在预选中败于奥巴马而心存芥蒂，但这位美国公认的智商最高的总统之一也由衷承认：奥巴马极具政治天赋。

化害为利 复杂身世

变为政治财富

奥巴马是那种为美国政治游戏规则度身打造的人：直觉敏锐，判断精准，每每到关键时刻都能抓住机会，成功地把困难转化为优势。这种天赋，在奥巴马一生的关键转型中都有体现：从一名自小生长在印尼和夏威夷太平洋岛屿文化背景下的普通混血儿，成功融入美国芝加哥的黑人社会；从一名无神论者变成基督徒；从一个书生气十足的大学老师变成当代美国最出色的政客。就是在对待自己复杂身世的态度上，也可以看出其善于化害为利的变通能力。

奥巴马自己也承认，他在成长过程中曾遭遇种族认同危机。因为肤色与学校里的大多数同学不一样，奥巴马曾一度被“我是谁” 的问题所困扰。为了给自己寻找自信，奥巴马吹嘘说自己的父亲是非洲的王子。据奥巴马在夏威夷畔纳荷中学就读时的一位同学回忆说：“他经常跟我们说他爸爸是一位非洲国家的王子，是一个让他为之自豪的成功领导人。”而当他生父有一天终于从非洲重新访问美国，并应邀来奥巴马的学校演讲的时候，奥巴马就坐在听演讲的同学中间，他把头埋得很深，觉得非常没有面子。奥巴马生父的演讲很成功，老师完全被折服了，对奥巴马说：“你有一位很了不起的父亲。”同学们也并未因奥巴马撒谎而嘲笑他，但这些鼓励并不能解除奥巴马心中的肤色自卑。为驱走“白或黑”的烦恼，奥巴马甚至选择酗酒、吸食_……奥巴马坦言自己挥霍了少年时代。

肤色问题甚至在奥巴马进入政坛后仍带来麻烦。他曾在回忆录中写道，成为州参议员使他免于了许多黑人都曾遭受的“跌跌撞撞”，但是他仍然无法避免生活中绵绵不绝的细微伤害。例如他去百货商场购物时，保安人员会密切留意和尾随他；在餐厅门口，一些前来就餐的白人会把他当成黑人门童，把车钥匙扔给他。他说：“我知道那是什么样，人们会告诉我因为我的肤色所以我不能做某些事，我也知道那种强咽愤怒的痛苦。”

不过，奥巴马始终记得母亲对他说过的话：“作为黑人是一种珍贵的遗传，是一种特殊的命运。这份光荣的担子只有在我们足够强壮时才能承担起来。”小时候如影随形的自卑并没有让他长期沉沦，反而在他身上激发出惊人的斗志――要通过奋斗和成功来证明自己也是地球上合格的居民。当年马丁・路德・金曾引用《圣经》的话掀起了黑人民权运动的风暴，其中最有名的一句话就是：“我们黑人也是上帝按他自己的形象创造的。”

在强烈的成就欲望的驱使下，奥巴马开始直面自己的身份，并把它看做一笔财富。他把一个被生父遗弃的悲惨童年演绎成一段感动世人的成长故事, 把一个并不起眼的州议员职位变成进军华盛顿的起点，从博士、教授、州议员、国会议员一路走来，并最终锁定最高奋斗目标――成为美国首位黑人总统。

一鸣惊人 政坛新秀

堪比影视明星

奥巴马第一次出现在全国性的政治舞台上，是参加2004年7月在波斯顿召开的全国代表大会。那次大会选举克里为总统候选人去挑战已当了一届总统的布什，但会上最耀眼的“明星”却是奥巴马。

在那次大会上，四十三岁的州议员奥巴马被指定做“基调演讲”。所谓“基调演讲”，就是人阐述本党的纲领和政策宣言，通常由本党极有前途的政治新星来发表，1988年做“基调演讲”的人就是时任阿肯色州州长的_。奥巴马不负众望，他亲自撰写演讲稿，并发表了慷慨激昂的演说。

在那次演说中，奥巴马提出了消除党派分歧和种族分歧、实现“一个美国”的梦想，“这里不存在一个自由主义的美国和一个保守主义的美国，而只有一个_合众国；这里不存在黑人的美国、白人的美国、拉美裔的美国或亚裔的美国，而只有一个_合众国。”他还提到了“希望”。“我说的‘希望’，是奴隶在篝火旁谈论自由的希望；是移民们历尽艰险来到这里的希望；是年轻的海军陆战队员为国深入险地所抱的希望；是矿工的儿子对抗命运的希望，一个有着可笑名字的瘦弱孩子（奥巴马的中间名是“侯赛因”，易让人想到_・侯赛因）相信美国会有他一席之地的希望。”

正是借助这次激情演讲，奥巴马一炮而红，从走上演说台时的无名小辈变成了走下演说台时的政治明星。发表演讲后的三个月，奥巴马当选国会参议员，成为国会中唯一的一位黑人参议员，也是一百五十年中的第三位黑人参议员。

由于那场演讲的广泛影响，奥巴马的名字在美国政坛迅速蹿红，受欢迎的程度堪比影视明星。他来到华盛顿后，频频登上杂志封面。他早年的自传《从父亲开始的梦想》有声版还赢得了格莱美“最佳朗读专辑”奖。奥巴马趁热打铁，于2006年10月出版了第二本著作《大胆的希望：重温美国梦的想法》，新书一问世即成为畅销书。在帮助议员和州长候选人竞选期间，他顺便在全国推销他的新书，所到之处发表演讲引起白人和黑人的巨大兴趣，选民们竞相聆听他对政治和治国的立场观点。该书出版后不久，《时代》周刊就将他选作封面人物，标题大胆而且醒目―― “为什么奥巴马能成为下届总统？”

创造神话 “希望之星”赢得最后胜利

2007年2月10日，奥巴马在伊利诺伊正式宣布参加2008年总统大选。此时距离“波斯顿演讲”的时间刚好两年半。

起初，没有多少人看好奥巴马的竞选前景，原因很简单，一是他的资历太浅，二是他的对手太强。十二年的从政经历，三年的国会参议员生涯，全国代表大会上的一次精彩演讲，两本政治类畅销书，这就是奥巴马全部的政治履历。再者，他的身世背景过于非主流，非洲裔血统更容易触动美国政治生活中最为敏感的种族话题；而他从党内初选到竞选的对手则是爱德华兹、希拉里和麦凯恩等名声显赫的“大将”。因此，一些人认为奥巴马参选总统只是为了凑热闹，就像其他黑人政客一样最终只能昙花一现。

然而，奥巴马却成了本次美国总统大选最大的赢家，创造了美国选举的“神话”。

分析人士认为，四方面的决定因素让奥巴马最终大胜：

第一，金融危机成为扳倒竞选对手的杀手锏。纵观美国大选历史，除了1988年大选共和党连续第三次赢得总统选举胜利外，美国选民很少投票支持同一个政党连续执政十二年。更重要的是，经历了阿富汗与伊拉克的两场战争，遭遇了无情飓风的蹂躏后，共和党在民众心目中的形象可谓千疮百孔。麦凯恩的竞选从一开始就压力无限。不过，凭借在国家安全和外交领域的丰富经验和出生入死、为国效力的英雄形象，麦凯恩曾一度在与奥巴马的较量中领先。然而，一场百年一遇的金融危机碾碎了他最后的希望。与布什经济政策保持高度一致的麦凯恩，理所当然地被选民们抛弃。

第二，“弱势群体”选民投票时支持奥巴马。美国媒体称此次大选大约有一点三亿选民投票，达到1960年以来最高水平。有评论指出，“奥巴马一代”(十八岁至三十岁的年轻人)是奥巴马获胜的关键因素。女性、非洲裔和拉美裔等选民群体是奥巴马主要“票仓”，初次投票选民成为推举奥巴马登上总统宝座的生力军。

第三，感情牌打得很成功。与麦凯恩的“硬汉”形象相比，奥巴马在竞选过程中表现出的情感让他大获加分。在投票前，奥巴马的外祖母邓纳姆在长时间与癌症搏斗后，于睡梦中安详辞世。她早前已寄出选票，可说是她给奥巴马留下的最后礼物。奥巴马在上万群众面前潸然泪下，发誓如果成功当选，将为所有“无名英雄”奋战，给美国带来改变。这番表白感动了成千上万的选民。

第四，“和解、变革”的竞选主张和富有煽动性的演讲吸引了大批选民。美国历史上优秀的政治家，如林肯、肯尼迪和马丁・路德・金，都是演讲高手，奥巴马与这些前辈相比毫不逊色。奥巴马的演讲，既激情四射、振奋人心，又言简意赅、主题突出。当今美国正逢艰难时期，人们渴望一种新的领袖，而不再相信老的政客。奥巴马对“希望”和“变化”的阐释激发了人们对新政治理念的渴求。奥巴马身上表现出来的真诚和鼓舞人心的力量，人们以前没有看到过，所以愿意相信他。“奥巴马”这个名字实际上已成为一种载体，承载了美国民众对变化和希望的诉求。

舵手更换 美国“航船”

将会驶向何方

2008年11月，奥巴马成为白宫椭圆形办公室的新主人。

奥巴马的当选在一瞬间激起了世界的热潮，欢呼、担忧、兴奋、失落，各种复杂的情绪在不同地方蔓延。在很多人看来，奥巴马为“美国梦”做了完美的诠释。奥巴马本人也踌躇满志，言语间用肯尼迪、_激励自己。

然而，从总统到伟大总统是条荆棘密布的路。如今，新当选总统奥巴马的面前是“满目疮痍”。政治分析人士指出，奥巴马是美国历史上自_・罗斯福后，首位当选后便面临经济、政治、外交局势多重考验的美国总统。近代美国历史上，从未有一位新总统需要处理这么多危机。

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第19篇

美国总统奥巴马9月8日开学演讲 英文全文

For Immediate Release September 8,

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT

IN A NATIONAL ADDRESS TO AMERICA'S SCHOOLCHILDREN

Wakefield High School

Arlington, Virginia

THE PRESIDENT: Hello, everybody! Thank you. Thank you. Thank you, everybody. All right, everybody go ahead and have a seat. How is everybody doing today? (Applause.) How about Tim Spicer? (Applause.) I am here with students at Wakefield High School in Arlington, Virginia. And we've got students tuning in from all across America, from kindergarten through 12th grade. And I am just so glad that all could join us today. And I want to thank Wakefield for being such an outstanding host. Give yourselves a big round of applause. (Applause.)

I know that for many of you, today is the first day of school. And for those of you in kindergarten, or starting middle or high school, it's your first day in a new school, so it's understandable if you're a little nervous. I imagine there are some seniors out there who are feeling pretty good right now -- (applause) -- with just one more year to go. And no matter what grade you're in, some of you are probably wishing it were still summer and you could've stayed in bed just a little bit longer this morning.

I know that feeling. When I was young, my family lived overseas. I lived in Indonesia for a few years. And my mother, she didn't have the money to send me where all the American kids went to school, but she thought it was important for me to keep up with an American education. So she decided to teach me extra lessons herself, Monday through Friday. But because she had to go to work, the only time she could do it was at 4:30 in the morning.

Now, as you might imagine, I wasn't too happy about getting up that early. And a lot of times, I'd fall asleep right there at the kitchen table. But whenever I'd complain, my mother would just give me one of those looks and she'd say, “This is no picnic for me either, buster.” (Laughter.)

So I know that some of you are still adjusting to being back at school. But I'm here today because I have something important to discuss with you. I'm here because I want to talk with you about your education and what's expected of all of you in this new school year.

Now, I've given a lot of speeches about education. And I've talked about responsibility a lot.

I've talked about teachers' responsibility for inspiring students and pushing you to learn.

I've talked about your parents' responsibility for making sure you stay on track, and you get your homework done, and don't spend every waking hour in front of the TV or with the Xbox.

I've talked a lot about your government's responsibility for setting high standards, and supporting teachers and principals, and turning around schools that aren't working, where students aren't getting the opportunities that they deserve.

But at the end of the day, we can have the most dedicated teachers, the most supportive parents, the best schools in the world -- and none of it will make a difference, none of it will matter unless all of you fulfill your responsibilities, unless you show up to those schools, unless you pay attention to those teachers, unless you listen to your parents and grandparents and other adults and put in the hard work it takes to succeed. That's what I want to focus on today: the responsibility each of you has for your education.

I want to start with the responsibility you have to yourself. Every single one of you has something that you're good at. Every single one of you has something to offer. And you have a responsibility to yourself to discover what that is. That's the opportunity an education can provide.

Maybe you could be a great writer -- maybe even good enough to write a book or articles in a newspaper -- but you might not know it until you write that English paper -- that English class paper that's assigned to you. Maybe you could be an innovator or an inventor -- maybe even good enough to come up with the next iPhone or the new medicine or vaccine -- but you might not know it until you do your project for your science class. Maybe you could be a mayor or a senator or a Supreme Court justice -- but you might not know that until you join student government or the debate team.

And no matter what you want to do with your life, I guarantee that you'll need an education to do it. You want to be a doctor, or a teacher, or a police officer? You want to be a nurse or an architect, a lawyer or a member of our military? You're going to need a good education for every single one of those careers. You cannot drop out of school and just drop into a good job. You've got to train for it and work for it and learn for it.

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第20篇

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT

IN A NATIONAL ADDRESS TO AMERICA'S SCHOOLCHILDREN

Wakefield High School

Arlington， Virginia

THE PRESIDENT: Hello， everybody! Thank you. Thank you. Thank you， everybody. All right， everybody go ahead and have a seat. How is everybody doing today? (Applause.) How about Tim Spicer? (Applause.) I am here with students at Wakefield High School in Arlington， Virginia. And we've got students tuning in from all acroAmerica， from kindergarten through 12th grade. And I am just so glad that all could join us today. And I want to thank Wakefield for being such an outstanding host. Give yourselves a big round of applause. (Applause.)

I know that for many of you， today is the first day of school. And for those of you in kindergarten， or starting middle or high school， it's your first day in a new school， so it's understandable if you're a little nervous. I imagine there are some seniors out there who are feeling pretty good right now -- (applause) -- with just one more year to go. And no matter what grade you're in， some of you are probably wishing it were still summer and you could've stayed in bed just a little bit longer this morning.

I know that feeling. When I was young， my family lived overseas. I lived in Indonesia for a few years. And my mother， she didn't have the money to send me where all the American kids went to school， but she thought it was important for me to keep up with an American education. So she decided to teach me extra lessons herself， Monday through Friday. But because she had to go to work， the only time she could do it was at 4:30 in the morning.

Now， as you might imagine， I wasn't too happy about getting up that early. And a lot of times， I'd fall asleep right there at the kitchen table. But whenever I'd complain， my mother would just give me one of those looks and she'd say， _This is no picnic for me either， buster._ (Laughter.)

So I know that some of you are still adjusting to being back at school. But I'm here today because I have something important to discuwith you. I'm here because I want to talk with you about your education and what's expected of all of you in this new school year.

Now， I've given a lot of speeches about education. And I've talked about responsibility a lot.

I've talked about teachers' responsibility for inspiring students and pushing you to learn.

I've talked about your parents' responsibility for ma-ki-ng sure you stay on track， and you get your homework done， and don't spend every waking hour in front of the TV or with the Xbox.

I've talked a lot about your government's responsibility for setting high standards， and supporting teachers and principals， and turning around schools that aren't working， where students aren't getting the opportunities that they deserve.

But at the end of the day， we can have the most dedicated teachers， the most supportive parents， the best schools in the world -- and none of it will make a difference， none of it will matter unleall of you fulfill your responsibilities， unleyou show up to those schools， unleyou pay attention to those teachers， unleyou listen to your parents and grandparents and other adults and put in the hard work it takes to succeed. That's what I want to focus on today: the responsibility each of you has for your education.

I want to start with the responsibility you have to yourself. Every single one of you has something that you're good at. Every single one of you has something to offer. And you have a responsibility to yourself to discover what that is. That's the opportunity an education can provide.

Maybe you could be a great writer -- maybe even good enough to write a book or articles in a newspa-pe-r -- but you might not know it until you write that English pa-pe-r -- that English clapa-pe-r that's assigned to you. Maybe you could be an innovator or an inventor -- maybe even good enough to come up with the next iPhone or the new medicine or vaccine -- but you might not know it until you do your project for your science class. Maybe you could be a mayor or a senator or a Supreme Court justice -- but you might not know that until you join student government or the debate team.

And no matter what you want to do with your life， I guarantee that you'll need an education to do it. You want to be a doctor， or a teacher， or a police officer? You want to be a nurse or an architect， a lawyer or a member of our military? You're going to need a good education for every single one of those careers. You cannot drop out of school and just drop into a good job. You've got to train for it and work for it and learn for it.

And this isn't just important for your own life and your own future. What you make of your education will decide nothing lethan the future of this country. The future of America depends on you. What you're learning in school today will determine whether we as a nation can meet our greatest challenges in the future.

You'll need the knowledge and problem-solving skills you learn in science and math to cure diseases like cancer and _， and to develop new energy technologies and protect our environment. You'll need the insights and critical-thinking skills you gain in history and social studies to fight poverty and homelessness， crime and discrimination， and make our nation more fair and more free. You'll need the creativity and ingenuity you develop in all your classes to build new companies that will create new jobs and boost our economy.

We need every single one of you to develop your talents and your skills and your intellect so you can help us old folks solve our most difficult problems. If you don't do that -- if you quit on school -- you're not just quitting on yourself， you're quitting on your country.

Now， I know it's not always easy to do well in school. I know a lot of you have challenges in your lives right now that can make it hard to focus on your schoolwork.

I get it. I know what it's like. My father left my family when I was two years old， and I was raised by a single mom who had to work and who struggled at times to pay the bills and wasn't always able to give us the things that other kids had. There were times when I missed having a father in my life. There were times when I was lonely and I felt like I didn't fit in.

So I wasn't always as focused as I should have been on school， and I did some things I'm not proud of， and I got in more trouble than I should have. And my life could have easily taken a turn for the worse.

But I was -- I was lucky. I got a lot of second chances， and I had the opportunity to go to college and law school and follow my dreams. My wife， our First Lady Michelle Obama， she has a similar story. Neither of her parents had gone to college， and they didn't have a lot of money. But they worked hard， and she worked hard， so that she could go to the best schools in this country.

Some of you might not have those advantages. Maybe you don't have adults in your life who give you the support that you need. Maybe someone in your family has lost their job and there's not enough money to go around. Maybe you live in a neighborhood where you don't feel safe， or have friends who are pressuring you to do things you know aren't right.

But at the end of the day， the circumstances of your life -- what you look like， where you come from， how much money you have， what you've got going on at home -- none of that is an excuse for neglecting your homework or having a bad attitude in school. That's no excuse for talking back to your teacher， or cutting class， or dropping out of school. There is no excuse for not trying.

Where you are right now doesn't have to determine where you'll end up. No one's written your destiny for you， because here in America， you write your own destiny. You make your own future.

That's what young people like you are doing every day， all acroAmerica.

Young people like Jazmin Perez， from Roma， Texas. Jazmin didn't speak English when she first started school. Neither of her parents had gone to college. But she worked hard， earned good grades， and got a scholarship to Brown University -- is now in graduate school， studying public health， on her way to becoming Dr. Jazmin Perez.

I'm thinking about Andoni Schultz， from Los Altos， California， who's fought brain cancer since he was three. He's had to endure all sorts of treatments and surgeries， one of which affected his memory， so it took him much longer -- hundreds of extra hours -- to do his schoolwork. But he never fell behind. He's headed to college this fall.

And then there's Shantell Steve， from my hometown of Chicago， Illinois. Even when bouncing from foster home to foster home in the toughest neighborhoods in the city， she managed to get a job at a local health care center， start a program to keep young people out of gangs， and she's on track to graduate high school with honors and go on to college.

And Jazmin， Andoni， and Shantell aren't any different from any of you. They face challenges in their lives just like you do. In some cases they've got it a lot worse off than many of you. But they refused to give up. They chose to take responsibility for their lives， for their education， and set goals for themselves. And I expect all of you to do the same.

That's why today I'm calling on each of you to set your own goals for your education -- and do everything you can to meet them. Your goal can be something as si-mp-le as doing all your homework， paying attention in class， or spending some time each day reading a book. Maybe you'll decide to get involved in an extracurricular activity， or volunteer in your community. Maybe you'll decide to stand up for kids who are being teased or bullied because of who they are or how they look， because you believe， like I do， that all young people deserve a safe environment to study and learn. Maybe you'll decide to take better care of yourself so you can be more ready to learn. And along those lines， by the way， I hope all of you are washing your hands a lot， and that you stay home from school when you don't feel well， so we can keep people from getting the flu this fall and winter.

But whatever you resolve to do， I want you to commit to it. I want you to really work at it.

I know that sometimes you get that sense from TV that you can be rich and successful without any hard work -- that your ticket to succeis through rapping or basketball or being a reality TV star. Chances are you're not going to be any of those things.

The truth is， being successful is hard. You won't love every subject that you study. You won't click with every teacher that you have. Not every homework assignment will seem completely relevant to your life right at this minute. And you won't necessarily succeed at everything the first time you try.

That's okay. Some of the most successful people in the world are the ones who've had the most failures. . Rowling's -- who wrote Harry Potter -- her first Harry Potter book was rejected 12 times before it was finally published. Michael Jordan was cut from his high school basketball team. He lost hundreds of games and missed thousands of shots during his career. But he once said， _I have failed over and over and over again in my life. And that's why I succeed._

These people succeeded because they understood that you can't let your failures define you -- you have to let your failures teach you. You have to let them show you what to do differently the next time. So if you get into trouble， that doesn't mean you're a troublemaker， it means you need to try harder to act right. If you get a bad grade， that doesn't mean you're stupid， it just means you need to spend more time studying.

No one's born being good at all things. You become good at things through hard work. You're not a varsity athlete the first time you play a new sport. You don't hit every note the first time you sing a song. You've got to practice. The same principle applies to your schoolwork. You might have to do a math problem a few times before you get it right. You might have to read something a few times before you understand it. You definitely have to do a few drafts of a pa-pe-r before it's good enough to hand in.

Don't be afraid to ask questions. Don't be afraid to ask for help when you need it. I do that every day. Asking for help isn't a sign of weakness， it's a sign of strength because it shows you have the courage to admit when you don't know something， and that then allows you to learn something new. So find an adult that you trust -- a parent， a grandparent or teacher， a coach or a counselor -- and ask them to help you stay on track to meet your goals.

And even when you're struggling， even when you're discouraged， and you feel like other people have given up on you， don't ever give up on yourself， because when you give up on yourself， you give up on your country.

The story of America isn't about people who quit when things got tough. It's about people who kept going， who tried harder， who loved their country too much to do anything lethan their best.

It's the story of students who sat where you sit 250 years ago， and went on to wage a revolution and they founded this nation. Young people. Students who sat where you sit 75 years ago who overcame a Depression and won a world war; who fought for civil rights and put a man on the moon. Students who sat where you sit 20 years ago who founded Google and Twitter and Facebook and changed the way we communicate with each other.

So today， I want to ask all of you， what's your contribution going to be? What problems are you going to solve? What discoveries will you make? What will a President who comes here in 20 or 50 or 100 years say about what all of you did for this country?

Now， your families， your teachers， and I are doing everything we can to make sure you have the education you need to answer these questions. I'm working hard to fix up your classrooms and get you the books and the equipment and the computers you need to learn. But you've got to do your part， too. So I expect all of you to get serious this year. I expect you to put your best effort into everything you do. I expect great things from each of you. So don't let us down. Don't let your family down or your country down. Most of all， don't let yourself down. Make us all proud.

Thank you very much， everybody. God bleyou. God bleAmerica. Thank you. (Applause.)

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第21篇

谢谢，非常感谢大家。拜登副总统、首席大法官先生、国会议员们、尊敬的各位嘉宾、亲爱的公民们。(mr. obama: thank you. thank you so much. vice president biden, mr. chief justice, members of the united states congress, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens:)

每一次我们集会庆祝总统就职都是在见证美国宪法的持久力量。我们都是在肯定美国民主的承诺。我们重申，将这个国家紧密联系在一起的不是我们的肤色，也不是我们信仰的教条，更不是我们名的来源。让我们与众不同，让我们成为美国人的是我们对于一种理念的恪守。200多年前，这一理念在一篇宣言中被清晰阐述：(each time we gather to inaugurate a president, we bear witness to the enduring strength of our constitution. we affirm the promise of our democracy. we recall that what binds this nation together is not the colors of our skin or the tenets of our faith or the origins of our names. what makes us exceptional –what makes us american – is our allegiance to an idea, articulated in a declaration made more than two centuries ago:)

“我们认为下述真理是不言而喻的，人人生而平等。造物主赋予他们若干不可剥夺的权利，包括生存、自由和追求幸福的权利。”(“we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal,that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”)

今天，我们继续着这一未竟的征程，架起这些理念与我们时代现实之间的桥梁。因为历史告诉我们，即便这些真理是不言而喻的，它们也从来不会自动生效。因为虽然自由是上帝赋予的礼物，但仍需要世间的子民去捍卫。1776年，美国的爱国先驱们不是只为了推翻国王的暴政而战，也不是为赢得少数人的特权，建立暴民的统治。先驱们留给我们一个共和国，一个民有、民治、民享的政府。他们委托每一代美国人捍卫我们的建国信条。(today we continue a never-ending journey, to bridge the meaning of those words with the realities of our time. for history tells us that while these truths may be self-evident, they have never been self-executing; that while freedom is a gift from god, it must be secured by his people here on earth. the patriots of 1776 did not fight to replace the tyranny of a king with the privileges of a few or the rule of a mob. they gave to us a republic, a government of, and by, and for the people, entrusting each generation to keep safe our founding creed.)

在过去的200多年里，我们做到了。(for more than two hundred years, we have.)

从奴役的血腥枷锁和刀剑的血光厮杀中我们懂得了，建立在自由与平等原则之上的联邦不能永远维持半奴隶和半自由的状态。我们赢得了新生，誓言共同前进。(through blood drawn by lash and blood drawn by sword, we learned that no union founded on the principles of liberty and equality could survive half-slave and half-free. we made ourselves anew, and vowed to move forward together.)

我们共同努力，建立起现代的经济体系。架设铁路与高速公路，加速了旅行和商业交流。建立学校与大学，培训我们的工人。(together, we determined that a modern economy requires railroads and highways to speed travel and commerce; schools and colleges to train our workers。)

我们一起发现，自由市场的繁荣只能建立在保障竞争与公平竞争的原则之上。(together, we discovered that a free market only thrives when there are rules to ensure competition and fair play.)

我们共同决定让这个伟大的国家远离危险，保护她的人民不受生命威胁和不幸的侵扰。(together, we resolved that a great nation must care for the vulnerable, and protect its people from life’s worst hazards and misfortune.)

一路走来，我们从未放弃对集权的质疑。我们同样不屈服于这一谎言：一切的社会弊端都能够只靠政府来解决。我们对积极向上与奋发进取的赞扬，我们对努力工作与个人责任的坚持，这些都是美国精神的基本要义。(through it all, we have never relinquished our skepticism of central authority, nor have we succumbed to the fiction that all society’s ills can be cured through government alone. our celebration of initiative and enterprise; our insistence on hard work and personal responsibility, these are constants in our character.)

我们也理解，时代在变化，我们同样需要变革。对建国精神的忠诚，需要我们肩负起新的责任，迎接新的挑战。保护我们的个人自由，最终需要所有人的共同努力。 因为美国人不能再独力迎接当今世界的挑战，正如美国士兵们不能再像先辈一样，用步枪和民兵同敌人(_主义与共产主义)作战。一个人无法培训所有的数学与科学老师，我们需要他们为了未来去教育孩子们。一个人无法建设道路、铺设网络、建立实验室来为国内带来新的工作岗位和商业机会。现在，与以往任何时候相比，我们都更需要团结合作。作为一个国家，一个民族团结起来。

(but we have always understood that when times change, so must we; that fidelity to our founding principles requires new responses to new challenges;that preserving our individual freedoms ultimately requires collective action. for the american people can no more meet the demands of today’s world by acting alone than american soldiers could have met the forces of fascism or communism with muskets and militias. no single person can train all the math and science teachers we’ll need to equip our children for the future, or build the roads and networks and research labs that will bring new jobs and businesses to our shores. now, more than ever, we must do these things together, as one nation,and one people.)

这一代美国人经历了危机的考验，经济危机坚定了我们的决心，证明了我们的恢复力。长达十年的战争正在结束，经济的复苏已经开始。美国的可能性是无限的，因为我们拥有当今没有边界的世界所需要的所有品质：年轻与活力、多样性与开放、无穷的冒险精神以及创造的天赋才能。我亲爱的同胞们，我们正是为此刻而生，我们更要在此刻团结一致，抓住当下的机会。(this generation of americans has been tested by crises that steeled our resolve and proved our resilience. a decade of war is now ending. an economic recovery has begun. america’s possibilities are limitless, for we possess all the qualities that this world without boundaries demands: youth and drive;diversity and openness; an endless capacity for risk and a gift for fellow americans, we are made for this moment, and we will seize it – so long as we seize it together.)

因为我们，美国人民，清楚如果只有不断萎缩的少数人群体获得成功，而大多数人不能成功，我们的国家就无法成功。我们相信，美国的繁荣必须建立在不断上升的中产阶级的宽阔臂膀之上，我们知道美国的繁荣只有这样才能实现。只有当每个人都能找到工作中的自立与自豪时才能实现。只有当诚实劳动获得的薪水足够让家庭摆脱困苦的悬崖时才能实现。我们忠诚于我们的事业，保证让一个出生于最贫穷环境中的小女孩都能知道，她有同其他所有人一样的成功机会。因为她是一个美国人，她是自由的、平等的。她的自由平等不仅由上帝来见证，更由我们亲手保护。(for we, the people, understand that our country cannot succeed when a shrinking few do very well and a growing many barely make it. we believe that america’s prosperity must rest upon the broad shoulders of a rising middle class. we know that america thrives when every person can find independence and pride in their work; when the wages of honest labor liberate families from the brink of hardship. we are true to our creed when a little girl born into the bleakest poverty knows that she has the same chance to succeed as anybody else, because she is an american, she is free, and she is equal, not just in the eyes of god but also in our own.)

我们知道，我们已然陈旧的程序不足以满足时代的需要。我们必须应用新理念和新技术重塑我们的政府，改进我们的税法，改革我们的学校，让我们的公民拥有他们所需要的技能，更加努力地工作，学更多的知识，向更高处发展。这意味着变革，我们的目标是：国家可以奖励每个美国人的努力和果断。这是现在需要的。这将给我们的信条赋予真正的意义。(we understand that outworn programs are inadequate to the needs of our time. we must harness new ideas and technology to remake our government, revamp our tax code, reform our schools, and empower our citizens with the skills they need to work harder, learn more, and reach higher. but while the means will change, our purpose endures: a nation that rewards the effort and determination of every single american. that is what this moment requires. that is what will give real meaning to our creed.)

我们，人民，仍然认为，每个公民都应当获得基本的安全和尊严。我们必须做出艰难抉择，降低医疗成本，缩减赤规模。但我们拒绝在照顾建设国家的这一代和投资即将建设国家的下一代间做出选择。因为我们记得过去的教训：老年人的夕阳时光在贫困中度过，家有残障儿童的父母无处求助。我们相信，在这个国家，自由不只是那些幸运儿的专属，或者说幸福只属于少数人。我们知道，不管我们怎样负责任地生活，我们任何人在任何时候都可能面临失业、突发疾病或住房被可怕的飓风摧毁的风险。 我们通过医疗保险、联邦医疗补助计划、社会保障项目向每个人做出承诺，这些不会让我们的创造力衰竭，而是会让我们更强大。这些不会让我们成为充满不劳而获者的国度，这些让我们敢于承担风险，让国家伟大。(we, the people, still believe that every citizen deserves a basic measure of security and dignity. we must make the hard choices to reduce the cost of health care and the size of our deficit. but we reject the belief that america must choose between caring for the generation that built this country and investing in the generation that will build its future. for we remember the lessons of our past, when twilight years were spent in poverty, and parents of a child with a disability had nowhere to turn. we do not believe that in this country, freedom is reserved for the lucky, or happiness for the few. we recognize that no matter how responsibly we live our lives, any one of us, at any time, may face a job loss, or a sudden illness, or a home swept away in a terrible storm. the commitments we make to each other – through medicare, and medicaid, and social security – these things do not sap our initiative; they strengthen us. they do not make us a nation of takers; they free us to take the risks that make this country great.)

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第22篇

看完奥巴马竞选演讲，奥巴马成为美国历史上第一位非裔总统，第一位黑人总统。由奥巴马当选美国第一任黑人总统开始，美国的黑人地位应该有了实质性的巩固和保证，种族歧视从美国的各个角落逐渐消灭!随着第一任黑人总统奥巴马的上任，黑人的地位有着明显的提高。

奥巴马能有今天的成就是有自己的坚持，奥巴马竞选演讲稿中的说过这样一句话：长期以来，很多人缺乏信心，对自己所能取得的成就畏首畏尾、疑心重重。如今，我们走在历史的长河里，挺起胸膛，勾勒出美好明天的光辉画卷。如果没有自己的坚持，()他怎么可能会在竞选当中脱颖而出。人生有许多的不如意，前进的道路也不可能是直线，所以我们无需悲伤，无需自卑，而应该努力的奋斗下去，不为别的，只为一个梦，梦圆之时别忘了曾经的苦!

一直以来美国都是一个备受争议的国家，而我想这种争议来自于他们的强大，现在的美国是强大的，犹如唐朝时的中国，而这位新总统的上任，我认为这也将是美国一个新的开始，毕竟选举这种行为代表是一大部分人，也代表的是一个民族的精神，他的结果所反应给人们的是一种信号，这种信号也就预示着某种未来。直觉告诉我，这位美国总统是爱好和平的，是胸怀宽广的，是善良的。

奥巴马的这篇演讲词让我想到了马丁路德金的《I have a dream》，我想现在这位美国和平使者的梦想在实现，而奥巴马的当选也无疑的表明了种族歧视在美国逐渐消逝，其实，一直以来美国都是一个备受争议的国家，而我想这种争议来自于他们的强大，现在的美国是强大的，犹如唐朝时的中国，而这位新总统的上任，我认为这也将是美国一个新的开始，毕竟选举这种行为代表是一大部分人，也代表的是一个民族的精神，他的结果所反应给人们的是一种信号，这种信号也就预示着某种未来。我的直觉告诉我，这位美国总统是爱好和平的，是胸怀宽广的，是善良的。

在奥巴马竞选演讲最后的时候。奥巴马意味深长地称，40年前，很多朋友(黑人)甚至无法出席公共仪式，如今却可以和自己共同参加庆典，委婉地暗示了自己作为首位美国黑人总统，所创造的历史成就。这一成就当然可以、也必将作为里程碑永载美国史册。不言而喻的是奥巴马实现了自己的美国梦。

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第23篇

我知道，对你们当中的许多人而言，今天是开学日，你们中有一些人刚入学或刚升学，这是上新学校的第一天，所以，假如你们感到有点儿紧张，那也很正常。我想那些毕业班的同学此时此刻自我感觉一定非常好——(欢呼)——因为再有一年他们就功德圆满、修成正果了。不过，我想，不管是哪个年级的，也许有的同学希望现在还是在过暑假，今天早晨可以在床上再赖一小会儿。

我知道这种感觉。我小时候曾移居海外，在印度尼西亚住过几年。妈妈没钱送我上美国孩子念书的学校。但她相信，接受美国教育对我至关重要。于是她决定星期一至五自己给我补课。但她又得去打工，所以只能每天凌晨 4:30 开始教我。

当然，我也不喜欢那么早就爬起来，有好多次，我竟在餐桌上睡着了。我一撅起嘴来嘟囔，妈妈就会赏我一个脸子，说：“儍孩子，你以为我教你有多好玩?”(笑声)

所以，我理解你们许多同学还需要时间来调整，来适应开学。但我今天来到这里，是为了和你们讨论一些重要的事情。我要和你们讨论你们的教育问题，以及在新的学年里，你们都应当做些什么。

我做过许多次有关教育问题的讲话。我特别强调责任。

我讲过老师们有责任鼓励和启发你们，督促你们学习。

我讲过家长们有责任确保你们能在学习的状态，按部就班，完成家庭作业，不要把很多时光都花在电视和游戏机上。

我也多次谈到过政府有责任制定严格的教学标准，支持老师和校长们的工作，扭转某些学校工作失调、学生失学的现象。

但是，即使把一切做到最好，即使有最尽职的老师、鼎力支持的家长和最优越的教学设施，如果你们不恪尽自己那一份责任，一切也都会归于徒劳——除非你们能每天按时上学、注意听讲、把师长们的谆谆告诫铭记在心、付出成功所必需的努力，否则，一切都无济于事!这就是今天我要锁定的主题：对于你们所受的教育，你们每一个人都有责任，而且责无旁贷!

我先从你们对于自己都有什么责任讲起。

你们每一个人都有自己的专长。每一个人都会有所作为和贡献。发现自己——发现自己的潜质或潜能——首先就是你们自己的责任!教育给了你们发现自己的机会。

或许你会成为一位足以著书立说的大作家和记者，但是如果不在作文课上经常练习写作，你就永远不会意识到这一点。或许你会成为一位革新能手或发明家，让人们享用你开发的新一代手机，或救死扶伤的新药和疫苗，但如果你不上理科课、搞搞项目，就不会发现自己这方面的天赋。你将来还可能是一位市长、参议员或大-法官，但若不参加学生会工作或辩论团队，就很可能毫无觉察、自我埋没，让机遇擦肩而过。

我可以向你们保证，不管你将来想要做什么工作和现在生活条件怎样，你都需要接受相应的教育，来实现自己的理想。你想成为一位医生、教师或警官?还是想成为一位护士、建筑师、律师或是军人?无论你选择哪一种职业，接受良好的教育都是必由之路，别无选择。不完成学业就得不到一份称心的工作。无论做什么，你都需要接受培训，都需要勤奋工作，都需要努力学习。

你们所受到的教育不仅会决定你们自己的生活和前途，更重要的是将会决定国家的未来。美国的将来依靠你们。你们今天在校学习的内容，决定着我们国家，将来能否应对各种重大挑战。

你们需要通过理科课程的学习，获取知识和解决问题的技能，治疗癌症和艾滋病，开发新能源技术和保护人类的生存环境。你们需要从文科学习中培养洞察力和批判性思维，消灭贫困、愚昧、犯罪和歧视现象，使我们的国家更加公平和自由。你们需要在各门课程的学习中，厚积薄发，开发自己的创新能力和独门绝技，创业并组建公司，扩大就业机会，振兴我们的经济。

我们需要你们每一个人都充分开发自己的聪明才智，以帮助我们老一代人，解决我们最困难的问题。如果你不去做，如果你辍学，你的自弃，不仅是在抛弃自己，更是在抛弃你的祖国。

我也知道在校学习并非总是轻车熟道、一帆风顺。我很了解你们在生活中面临着很多困难和挑战，使你们难以潜心学业。

我深有体会。我两岁时，父亲离开了我们，我由单身母亲抚育成人。她不得不去拼命打工、奋斗，有时连帐单都无力支付，别人家的孩子有的东西，她常常买不起给我们。在我幼小的心灵里，虽说有母爱恩深似海，却仍然留有一大-片空白和缺憾——多少次我怀念起父爱如山，多少次我深感孤独无助，与周边环境格格不入。

我没有象应当做的那样，在校始终全心就读，也做过不该做的事情，招到过不应有的麻烦。如果没有这些弯路，我的人生道路还可以更加顺畅。

但是，我毕竟很幸运。我得到过很多第二次机会，得以重整旗鼓，后来还有机会上了大学和法学院，去追求自己的梦想。我的夫人，我们的第一夫人米歇尔·奥巴马，也有过类似的坎坷经历。她的双亲都没进过大学，他们也很穷。但是他们都努力工作，她也很勤奋，所以她就能到我国最高学府深造。

你们当中有些同学可能更加困难，可能在你们的生活中，没有成人能给出你们所需要的那些支持。你们家庭中可能会有人失业，经济拮据。可能你们生活在不够安全的邻里环境，或受到过行为不端朋友的影响。

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第24篇

Hello, Chicago!

芝加哥，你好!

If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible; who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time; who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.

如果有人怀疑美国是个一切皆有可能的地方，怀疑美国奠基者的梦想在我们这个时代依然燃烧，怀疑我们民主的力量，那么今晚这些疑问都有了答案。

It's the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen; by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the very first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different; that their voice could be that difference.

学校和教堂门外的长龙便是答案。排队的人数之多，在美国历前所未有。为了投票，他们排队长达三、四个小时。许多人一生中第一次投票，因为他们认为这一次大选结果必须不同以往，而他们手中的一票可能决定胜负。

It's the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Latino, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled — Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been a collection of red states and blue states; we are, and always will be, the United States of America.

无论年龄，无论贫富，无论民主党人或共和党人，无论黑人、白人，无论拉美裔、亚裔、印地安人, 无论_、异性恋，无论残障人、健全人，所有的人，他们向全世界喊出了同一个声音：我们并不隶属 “红州”与 “蓝州”的对立阵营，我们属于_合众国，现在如此，永远如此!

It's the answer that led those who have been told for so long by so many to be cynical, and fearful, and doubtful of what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day.

长久以来，很多人说：我们对自己的能量应该冷漠，应该恐惧，应该怀疑。但是，历史之轮如今已在我们手中，我们又一次将历史之轮转往更美好的未来。

It's been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this day, in this election, at this defining moment, change has come to America.

漫漫征程，今宵终于来临。特殊的一天，特殊的一次大选，特殊的决定性时刻，美国迎来了变革。

I just received a very gracious call from Sen. McCain. He fought long and hard in this campaign, and he's fought even longer and harder for the country he loves. He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine, and we are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader. I congratulate him and Gov. Palin for all they have achieved, and I look forward to working with them to renew this nation's promise in the months ahead.

刚才，麦凯恩参议员很有风度地给我打了个电话。在这次竞选中，他的努力持久而艰巨。为了这个他挚爱的国家，他的努力更持久、更艰巨。他为美国的奉献超出绝大多数人的想象。他是一位勇敢无私的领袖，有了他的奉献，我们的生活才更美好。我对他和佩林州长的成绩表示祝贺。同时，我也期待着与他们共同努力，再续美国辉煌。

I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on that train home to Delaware, the vice-president-elect of the United States, Joe Biden.

我要感谢我的竞选搭档——当选副总统乔?拜登。为了与他一起在斯克兰顿市街头长大、一起坐火车返回特拉华州的人们，拜登全心全意地竟选，他代表了这些普通人的声音。

I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last 16 years, the rock of our family and the love of my life, our nation's next first lady, Michelle Obama. Sasha and Malia, I love you both so much, and you have earned the new puppy that's coming with us to the White House. And while she's no longer with us, I know my grandmother is watching, along with the family that made me who I am. I miss them tonight, and know that my debt to them is beyond measure.

我要感谢下一位第一夫人米歇尔?奥巴马。她是我家的中流砥柱，是我生命中的最爱。没有她在过去来的坚定支持，今晚我就不可能站在这里。我要感谢两个女儿萨沙和玛丽娅，我太爱你们两个了，你们将得到一条新的小狗，它将与我们一起入住白宫。我还要感谢已去世的外婆，我知道此刻她正在天上注视着我。她与我的家人一起造就了今天的我。今夜我思念他们，他们对我的恩情比山高、比海深。

To my campaign manager, David Plouffe; my chief strategist, David Axelrod; and the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics — you made this happen, and I am forever grateful for what you've sacrificed to get it done.

我要感谢我的竞选经理大卫?普鲁夫，感谢首席策划师大卫?阿克塞罗德以及整个竞选团队，他们是政治秀的竞选团队。你们成就了今夜，我永远感谢你们为今夜所付出的一切。

But above all, I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to — it belongs to you.

但最重要的是，我将永远不会忘记这场胜利真正属于谁---是你们!

I was never the likeliest candidate for this office. We didn't start with much money or many endorsements. Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington — it began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston.

我从来不是最有希望的候选人。起初，我们的资金不多，赞助人也不多。我们的竞选并非始于华盛顿的华丽大厅，而是起于德莫奈地区某家的后院、康科德地区的某家客厅、查尔斯顿地区的某家前廊。

It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give $5 and $10 and $20 to this cause. It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation's apathy; who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep; from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on the doors of perfect strangers; from the millions of Americans who volunteered and organized, and proved that more than two centuries later, a government of the people, by the people and for the people has not perished from this earth. This is your victory.

劳动大众从自己的微薄积蓄中掏出5美元、10美元、20美元，拿来捐助我们的事业。年轻人证明了他们绝非所谓“冷漠的一代”。他们远离家乡和亲人，拿着微薄的报酬，起早摸黑地助选。上了年纪的人也顶着严寒酷暑，敲开陌生人的家门助选。无数美国人自愿组织起来，充当自愿者。正是这些人壮大了我们的声势。他们的行动证明了在两百多年以后，民有、民治、民享的政府并未从地球上消失。这是你们的胜利。

I know you didn't do this just to win an election, and I know you didn't do it for me. You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead. For even as we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime — two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century. Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us. There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after their children fall asleep and wonder how they'll make the mortgage, or pay their doctor's bills, or save enough for college. There is new energy to harness and new jobs to be created; new schools to build and threats to meet and alliances to repair.

你们这样做，并不只是为了赢得一场大选，更不是为了我个人。你们这样做，是因为你们清楚未来的任务有多么艰巨。今晚我们在欢庆，明天我们就将面对一生之中最为严峻的挑战--两场战争、一个充满危险的星球，还有百年一遇的金融危机。今晚我们在这里庆祝，但我们知道在伊拉克的沙漠里，在阿富汗的群山中，许许多多勇敢的美国人醒来后就将为了我们而面临生命危险。许许多多的父母会在孩子熟睡后仍难以入眠，他们正在为月供、医药费，孩子今后的大学费用而发愁。我们需要开发新能源，创造就业机会，建造新学校，迎接挑战和威胁，并修复与盟国的关系。

The road ahead will be long. Our climb will be steep. We may not get there in one year, or even one term, but America — I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there. I promise you: We as a people will get there.

前方道路还很漫长，任务艰巨。一年之内，甚至一届总统任期之内，我们可能都无法完成这些任务。但我从未像今晚这样对美国满怀希望，我相信我们会实现这个目标。我向你们承诺--我们_民族将实现这一目标!

There will be setbacks and false starts. There are many who won't agree with every decision or policy I make as president, and we know that government can't solve every problem. But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you, especially when we disagree. And, above all, I will ask you join in the work of remaking this nation the only way it's been done in America for 221 years — block by block, brick by brick, callused hand by callused hand.

我们会遇到挫折，会出师不利，会有许多人不认同我的某一项决定或政策。政府并不能解决所有问题，但我会向你们坦陈我们所面临的挑战。我会聆听你们的意见，尤其是在我们意见相左之时。最重要的是，我会让你们一起重建这个国家。用自己的双手，从一砖一瓦做起。这是美国立国2以来的前进方式，也是惟一的方式。

What began 21 months ago in the depths of winter must not end on this autumn night. This victory alone is not the change we seek — it is only the chance for us to make that change. And that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were. It cannot happen without you.

21个月前那个隆冬所开始的一切，绝不应在这一个秋夜结束。我们所寻求的变革并不只是赢得大选，这只是给变革提供了一个机会。假如我们照老路子办事，就没有变革;没有你们，就没有变革。

So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism; of service and responsibility where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves, but each other. Let us remember that if this financial crisis taught us anything, it's that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers. In this country, we rise or fall as one nation — as one people.

让我们重新发扬爱国精神，树立崭新的服务意识、责任感，每个人下定决心，一起努力工作，彼此关爱;让我们牢记这场金融危机带来的教训：不能允许商业街挣扎的同时却让华尔街繁荣。在这个国家，我们作为同一个民族，同生死共存亡。

Let us resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long. Let us remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican Party to the White House — a party founded on the values of self-reliance, individual liberty and national unity. Those are values we all share, and while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight, we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progress.

党派之争、琐碎幼稚，长期以来这些东西荼毒了我们的政坛。让我们牢记，当来自伊利诺伊州的一位先生首次将共和党大旗扛进白宫时，伴随着他的是自强自立、个人自由、国家统一的共和党建党理念。这也是我们所有人都珍视的理念。虽然民主党今晚大胜，但我们态度谦卑，并决心弥合阻碍我们进步的分歧。

As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours, “We are not enemies, but friends... Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection.” And, to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn, I may not have won your vote, but I hear your voices, I need your help, and I will be your president, too.

当年,林肯面对的是一个远比目前更为分裂的国家。他说：“我们不是敌人，而是朋友……虽然激情可能不再，但是我们的感情纽带不会割断。”对于那些现在并不支持我的美国人，我想说，虽然我没有赢得你们的选票，但我听到了你们的声音，我需要你们的帮助，我也将是你们的总统。

对于关注今夜结果的国际人士，不管他们是在国会、皇宫关注，还是在荒僻地带收听电台，我们的态度是：我们美国人的经历各有不同，但我们的命运相关，新的美国领袖诞生了。对于想毁灭这个世界的人们，我们必将击败你们。对于追求和平和安全的人们，我们将支持你们。对于怀疑美国这盏灯塔是否依然明亮的人们，今天晚上我们已再次证明：美国的真正力量来源并非军事威力或财富规模，而是我们理想的恒久力量：民主、自由、机会和不屈的希望。

For that is the true genius of America — that America can change. Our union can be perfected. And what we have already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.

美国能够变革，这才是美国真正的精髓。我们的联邦会不断完善。我们已经取得的成就，将为我们将来能够并且必须取得的成就增添希望。

This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. But one that's on my mind tonight is about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She's a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election, except for one thing: Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.

这次大选创造了多项“第一”，诞生了很多将流芳后世的故事，但今晚令我最为难忘的却是一位在亚特兰大投票的妇女：安妮?库波尔。她和无数排队等候投票的选民没有什么差别，的不同是她高龄106岁。

She was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons — because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.

在她出生的那个时代，黑奴制刚刚废除。那时路上没有汽车，天上没有飞机。当时像她这样的人由于两个原因不能投票--一第一因为她是女性，第二个原因是她的肤色。

And tonight, I think about all that she's seen throughout her century in America — the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can't and the people who pressed on with that American creed: Yes, we can.

今天晚上，我想到了安妮在美国过去一百年间的种.种经历：心痛和希望，挣扎和进步，那些我们被告知我们办不到的年代，以及我们现在这个年代。现在，我们坚信美国式信念──是的，我们能!

At a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. Yes, we can.

在那个年代，妇女的声音被压制，她们的希望被剥夺。但安妮活到了今天，看到妇女们站起来了，可以大声发表意见了，有选举权了。是的，我们能。

When there was despair in the Dust Bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs and a new sense of common purpose. Yes, we can.

安妮经历了上世纪三十年代的大萧条。农田荒芜，绝望笼罩美国大地。她看到了美国以新政、新的就业机会以及崭新的共同追求战胜了。是的，我们能。

When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes, we can.

二战时期，炸弹袭击我们的海港，全世界受到独裁专制威胁，安妮见证了一代美国人的英雄本色，他们捍卫了民主。是的，我们能。

She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that “We Shall Overcome.” Yes, we can.

安妮经历了_公交车事件、伯明翰黑人__事件、塞尔马血醒周末事件。来自亚特兰大的一位牧师告诉人们：我们终将胜利。是的，我们能。

A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination. And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen and cast her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change. Yes, we can.

人类登上了月球、柏林墙倒下了，科学和想像把世界连成了一块。今年，在这次选举中，安妮的手指轻触电子屏幕，投下自己的一票。她在美国生活了1，其间有最美好的时光，也有最黑暗的时刻，她知道美国能够变革。是的，我们能。

America, we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonight, let us ask ourselves: If our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have made?

_，我们已经一路走来，我们已经看到了那么多变化，但我们仍有很多事情要做。今夜，让我们问自己这样一个问题：假如我们的孩子能够活到下一个世纪，假如我的女儿们有幸与安妮一样长寿，她们将会看到怎样的改变?我们又取得了怎样的进步?

This is our chance to answer that call. This is our moment. This is our time — to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the American Dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth that out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope, and where we are met with cynicism, and doubt, and those who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: Yes, we can.

现在，我们获得了回答这个问题的机会。这是我们的时刻，我们的时代。让我们的人民重新就业，为我们的孩子打开机会的大门;恢复繁荣，促进和平;让美国梦重放光芒，再证这一根本性真理，那就是：团结一致，众志成城;一息尚存，希望就在;倘若有人嘲讽和怀疑，说我们不能，我们就以这一永恒信条回应，因为它凝聚了整个民族的精神——是的，我们能!

Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America.

谢谢大家!愿上帝保佑你们，保佑_合众国。

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第25篇

奥巴马深谙政治营销之道：让你的品牌深入人心，让拥护你的人压倒反对你的人。本书站在全新的角度，从讲故事、卖梦想、用口号激励民心、从群众中来到群众中去，亲民幽默、坚持品牌年轻化、卓有成效的危机管理、令人耳目一新且无所不在的VI、大胆超前的网络营销、高效的营销团队，以及明星站台、广告植入、微电影营销、女性营销、直指人心的演讲艺术、酷营销、粉丝营销、实效营销等方面详尽解读了奥巴马这一美国政治史上金字招牌的成功秘诀。

今人兴奋的是李光斗的这本著作《总_：奥巴马的政治营销》真正挖掘出了奥巴马经济的一项核心价值——OBAMARKETING（奥巴马营销学）。大国崛起的核心无非是经济和政治两个维度，经济崛起看品牌，政治改革靠官员。奥巴马作为世界上最独特的政治品牌，其政治营销术值得中国官员借鉴和学习；而能够赢得极度商业化的总统选战，奥巴马的营销术同样让无数中国品牌汗颜。《OBAMARKETING总_：奥巴马的政治营销》一书站在全局的高度告诉我们如何做到深入人心，“让拥护你的人压倒反对你的人”，用营销的手法深入剖析了奥巴马的成功之道。

李光斗，中国品牌第一人、中央电视台品牌顾问、著名品牌战略专家、品牌竞争力学派创始人、华盛智业李光斗品牌营销机构创始人。

李光斗出身于市场营销第一线，自1990年开始从事市场营销和品牌策划工作，先后担任全国数十家著名企业的常年品牌战略和营销广告顾问，亲历了改革开放后中国品牌发展的历程，具有丰富的品牌建设和市场营销经验，荣获中国策划业杰出功勋奖，被评为影响中国营销进程的风云人物。

奥巴马无疑是个营销高手，他把自己作为品牌进行营销。从他的幕后团队到他展现于世人面前的形象，从工作到生活，无处不在营销。他讲故事给美国人，让他们知道奥巴马和许多人一样，出生在一个普通的移民家庭，父母离异，年轻的时候还吸过_、当过混混。他注重VI，甚至针对不同人群设计不同的LOGO。他精心筛选最容易号召群众的口号。他卖梦想，卖未来。奥巴马为了调动已经对政治不感冒的年轻人的兴趣，将品牌整体年轻化、偶像化，与时代流行接轨，得到了年轻人的大力支持。他还利用起新兴媒体——网络，拉拢人心。他与人民打成一片，从生活的点滴拉近与人民的关系。

大国崛起的核心无非是经济和政治两个维度，经济崛起看品牌，政治改革靠官员。奥巴马作为世界上最独特的政治品牌，其政治营销术值得中国官员借鉴和学习；而能够赢得极度商业化的总统选战，奥巴马的营销术同样让无数中国品牌汗颜。

挖掘出对中国官员们、对中国品牌们的启示才是挖奥巴马经济的核心价值。而营销更是一门艺术，对个人、企业，都是如此。像做品牌一样营销自己，奥巴马在短短几年时间里，从草根跃升为美国总统，通过他的政治营销成功征服了超级大国。

《OBAMARKETING总_：奥巴马的政治营销》一书从讲故事、卖梦想、用口号激励民心、从群众中来到群众中去，亲民幽默、坚持品牌年轻化、卓有成效的危机管理、大胆超前的网络营销、高效的营销团队，以及明星站台、广告植入、微电影营销、女性营销、直指人心的演讲艺术、酷营销、粉丝营销、实效营销等方面详尽解读了奥巴马这一美国政治史上金字招牌的成功秘诀。解密草根屌丝打败官二代高富帅的营销术、揭开奥巴马征服超级大国亿万民众的政治营销秘笈。奥巴马营销学，是奥巴马经济的核心价值，也是美国大选送给我们的一笔财富。

奥巴马是一个当之无愧的营销高手，他的营销手段值得所有品牌及广告人学习。正如书中所说，“调研是决策的基础，营销的前奏……”奥巴马善于民调，做好市场调研，针对受众所关心的问题有的放矢，直达内心。从市场调研到单一的品牌诉求、广告口号、品牌沟通……

本书从宏观的角度向读者展示了奥巴马高明的营销之道。纵观奥巴马的成功之路，读者将会看到奥巴马是如何从一个草根小子一步一步向白宫进发，问鼎世界超级大国总统宝座；如何在2008年PK掉美国政坛“老麻雀”希拉里与麦凯恩，成为美国第一位黑人总统；如何在2012年干掉官二代亿万富翁罗姆尼，在美国经济低迷之际夺得连任机会。书中的每一个章节都会让读者看到不一样的奥巴马及其精准的营销手段。

诚如书中所言，从收集民意到公开表达自身的政策主张并持之以恒地坚持、提出鲜明个性的政治语言、利用传媒建立品牌沟通、巧借互联网展示个人形象、明星代言和幽默亲民，奥巴马赢得总统宝座的秘诀活脱脱就是一部品牌征服消费者的六部曲。深谙营销之道，草根也能战胜亿万富豪再次入主白宫，这就是营销的魅力所在。

《极限金钱：世界的掌控者和风险的膜拜者》

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第26篇

敲开他的办公室门，我忐忑地作着自我介绍，他热情地紧握我的手，奥巴马的友善立即让我的局促一扫而空，感觉很是自在。他提议我们一边吃午饭一边商议实习事宜。他如此爽快地抽出时间帮我出谋划策，我真是感到喜出望外，但很快我就了解到，他是诚心诚意地以助人为乐。

他告诉我他正在写自己的自传《我父亲的梦想》，在他两年前被委任法学期刊《哈佛法律评论》首位黑人社长后不久，便有书商邀请他写自传。在他向我提及自传之前，我就已经在《芝加哥论坛报》上读过他自传的部分内容，还记得在报上读过后我曾暗自发愤：“如果奥巴马能成功圆梦，我也能做到！”

会面那天他给我建议和激励，此后我在当地一家律师事务所成功谋得一个实习职位。

奥巴马当时兼任了3份工作。除了在我们法学院兼职讲师职务和写自传外，他还是一位精于民权法的从业律师。但每当他有空档，我都会去办公室找他聊天，他也总愿意腾出时间与我聊。他的每一声询问并不仅出于礼貌，而是真诚地关心着对方的回答。

1994年3月，我修了一门奥巴马主持的研讨课：法律条款中种族歧视之现状。这门课上共有15名学生。一天酷热难耐，他请全班同学坐到树荫下上课。正是这样随和的授课方式使得他成为全校最受欢迎的讲师。有些人质疑奥巴马过于圆滑，不愿对问题明确表态，但我熟识的奥巴马并不是这种人。他一直鼓励学生勇于挑战以坚守自己的信念。

1995年从法学院毕业后，我与奥巴马仍保持着联系。我们会不时吃顿便饭，畅聊各自的工作、家庭及喜爱的运动。与奥巴马聊天总让人忍俊不禁——他是个极富幽默感的人。在我毕业这年，他向我透露了自己竞选州参议员的意愿，并说他此番竞选活动尚缺人手。我和妻子米歇尔应承会帮忙组织一场筹款宴会。奥巴马口才很好，但发表演说时看上去有些紧张，而且他总是尴尬于开口筹钱，不过他的政治主张征服了人们。高人气助他在次年成功当选伊利诺伊州参议员。

2004年，在他决定竞选国会议员后，我前去观看他在全国代表大会上发表演说，并当场深深折服于他谈吐间的自信与魅力。此时的奥巴马与9年前演说中掩饰不住紧张的他已判若两人。从这时起，他在政坛开始扶摇直上。这一年，他当选上国会议员，到了2007年，他更一跃成为总统候选人。

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第27篇

If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible; who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time; who still questions the power of our democracy， tonight is your answer.

It’s the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen; by people who waited three hours and four hours， many for the very first time in their lives， because they believed that this time must be different; that their voice could be that difference.

It’s the answer spoken by young and old， rich and poor， Democrat and Republican， black， white， Latino， Asian， Native American， gay， straight， disabled and not disabled – Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been a collection of Red States and Blue States: we are， and always will be， the United States of America.

It’s the answer that led those who have been told for so long by so many to be cynical， and fearful， and doubtful of what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day.

It’s been a long time coming， but tonight， because of what we did on this day， in this election， at this defining moment， change has come to America.

I just received a very gracious call from Senator McCain. He fought long and hard in this campaign， and he’s fought even longer and harder for the country he loves. He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine， and we are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfleleader. I congratulate him and Governor Palin for all they have achieved， and I look forward to working with them to renew this nation’s promise in the months ahead.

I want to thank my partner in this journey， a man who campaigned from his heart and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on that train home to Delaware， the Vice President-elect of the United States， Joe Biden.

I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last sixteen years， the rock of our family and the love of my life， our nation’s next First Lady， Michelle Obama. Sasha and Malia， I love you both so much， and you have earned the new puppy that’s coming with us to the White House. And while she’s no longer with us， I know my grandmother is watching， along with the family that made me who I am. I mithem tonight， and know that my debt to them is beyond measure.

To my campaign manager David Plouffe， my chief strategist David Axelrod， and the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics – you made this happen， and I am forever grateful for what you’ve sacrificed to get it done.

But above all， I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to – it belongs to you.

I was never the likeliest candidate for this office. We didn’t start with much money or many endorsements. Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington – it began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston.

It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give five dollars and ten dollars and twenty dollars to this cause. It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation’s apathy; who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and lesleep; from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on the doors of perfect strangers; from the millions of Americans who volunteered， and organized， and proved that more than two centuries later， a government of the people， by the people and for the people has not perished from this Earth. This is your victory.

I know you didn’t do this just to win an election and I know you didn’t do it for me. You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead. For even as we celebrate tonight， we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime – two wars， a planet in peril， the worst financial crisis in a century. Even as we stand here tonight， we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us. There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after their children fall asleep and wonder how they’ll make the mortgage， or pay their doctor’s bills， or save enough for college. There is new energy to harneand new jobs to be created; new schools to build and threats to meet and alliances to repair.

The road ahead will be long. Our climb will be steep. We may not get there in one year or even one term， but America – I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there. I promise you – we as a people will get there.

There will be setbacks and false starts. There are many who won’t agree with every decision or policy I make as President， and we know that government can’t solve every problem. But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you， especially when we disagree. And above all， I will ask you join in the work of rema-ki-ng this nation the only way it’s been done in America for two-hundred and twenty-one years – block by block， brick by brick， calloused hand by calloused hand.

What began twenty-one months ago in the depths of winter must not end on this autumn night. This victory alone is not the change we seek – it is only the chance for us to make that change. And that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were. It cannot happen without you.

So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism; of service and responsibility where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves， but each other. Let us remember that if this financial crisis taught us anything， it’s that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers – in this country， we rise or fall as one nation; as one people.

Let us resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettineand immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long. Let us remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican Party to the White House – a party founded on the values of self-reliance， inpidual liberty， and national unity. Those are values we all share， and while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight， we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the pides that have held back our progress. As Lincoln said to a nation far more pided than ours， “We are not enemies， but friends…though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection.” And to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn – I may not have won your vote， but I hear your voices， I need your help， and I will be your President too.

And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores， from parliaments and palaces to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of our world – our stories are singular， but our destiny is shared， and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand. To those who would tear this world down – we will defeat you. To those who seek peace and security – we support you. And to all those who have wondered if America’s beacon still burns as bright – tonight we proved once more that the true strength of our nation comes not from our the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth， but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy， liberty， opportunity， and unyielding hope.

For that is the true genius of America – that America can change. Our union can be perfected. And what we have already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.

This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. But one that’s on my mind tonight is about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She’s a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing – Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.

She was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn’t vote for two reasons – because she was a woman and because of the colour of her skin.

And tonight， I think about all that she’s seen throughout her century in America – the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can’t， and the people who pressed on with that American creed: Yes we can.

At a time when women’s voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed， she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. Yes we can.

When there was despair in the dust bowl and depression acrothe land， she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal， new jobs and a new sense of common purpose. Yes we can.

When the bombs fell on our harbour and tyranny threatened the world， she was there to witnea generation rise to greatneand a democracy was saved. Yes we can.

She was there for the buses in Montgomery， the hoses in Birmingham， a bridge in Selma， and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that “We Shall Overcome.” Yes we can.

A man touched down on the moon， a wall came down in Berlin， a world was connected by our own science and imagination. And this year， in this election， she touched her finger to a screen， and cast her vote， because after 106 years in America， through the best of times and the darkest of hours， she knows how America can change. Yes we can.

America， we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonight， let us ask ourselves – if our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper， what change will they see? What progrewill we have made?

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第28篇

关键词： 奥巴马访华上海演讲 修辞论辩 修辞理性论辩 信誉论辩 情感论辩

一、修辞论辩的重要性及忽视状态

古希腊和古罗马文化乃西方文化之根，而亚里士多德的《修辞学》正是西方修辞学的奠基之作。亚里士多德在其《修辞学》的第一章就指出：“修辞学是论辩术的对应物，因为二者都论证那种在一定程度上是人人都能认识的事理。”意为西方修辞学和论辩术是用来论证一般事理的，并强调“说服的方式是该技巧仅有的真正的组成部分”。亚里士多德定义“修辞学”为：“一种能在任何一个问题上找出可能的说服方式的功能。”［1］因此得出结论：古典西方修辞学实际上是和论辩术密不可分、相辅相成的。

奥巴马是改写美国乃至人类历史的美国新一任总统，学者们从政治学、社会学、语言学、传播学和修辞学等方面对之进行分析研究，大部分修辞学者着重对其演说的修辞策略、修辞风格和修辞手段等方面进行分析，但是，在文献检索中，我未查到有关对奥巴马演说中修辞论辩至关重要作用的认识与分析方面的讨论，这是因为虽然修辞论辩是西方修辞学的核心概念，但是在中国学界中却长期处于被忽视的状态。现代对理性的过分强调，致使修辞论辩某些成分不被现代大众认识及有效使用，未能发挥其极具说服力的作用。

奥巴马作为首位上任第一年就访问中国的美国总统，于2009年11月16日在上海科技馆发表来华首访演讲。本文拟对奥巴马来华上海演讲中的修辞理性论辩（rhetorical logos argumentation）――归纳论辩、比较论辩、因果论辩、例证论辩、信誉论辩（ethos argumentation）――诉诸本人信誉的论辩、诉诸第三者信誉的论辩及情感论辩（pathos argumentation）――诉诸流行论辩、诉诸怜悯的论辩进行分析，彰显修辞论辩起到的强有力说服作用，以期引起学界同仁对修辞论辩研究的关注。

二、国内外论辩研究概述

在古希腊罗马文化中，修辞学主要研究以可能性和或然性为基础以说服为目的的论辩演说，因而西方修辞学从根本上讲是一种论辩的艺术。但是在后来的发展中，西方修辞学中说服和论辩的因素很遗憾地几乎被遗忘。直至1958年，两位哲学家的两部巨作诞生，使古典修辞学传统得以复兴，出现了“新修辞学”。这两位分别是比利时哲学家佩雷尔曼（Chaim Perelman）［2］，代表作为《新修辞学：论论辩》①；另一位是英国哲学家图尔明（Stephen Toulmin）［3］，代表作为《论辩的使用》。这两部著作对后来的论辩研究产生了深远的影响。在当今西方学术界，论辩研究已经成为一门“显学”。学者从各种角度提出研究模式，如约翰逊（Ralph Johnson，1980）［4］的非形式逻辑，伍兹（John Woods）和沃尔顿（Douglas Walton，_）［5］的谬误论，威廉德（Charles Willard，_）［6］的社会认识论，艾默伦（Frans Eemeren，1992）［7］的语用―辩证法，蒂得尔（Christopher ，1999）［8］的修辞论辩，等等。

在国内学术界，汪嘉斐提出：“对于新论辩研究的译介和独立研究，迄今为止却还极其有限，这自然不能不令人之感遗憾。”［9］（P1）为数不多的对之进行译介及研究的学者有施旭（1992）［10］、刘亚猛（1995）［11］、胡曙中（1999）［12］、樊明明（2003）［13］、温科学（2006）［14］等。其中，樊明明先生对修辞论辩的机制进行了独立的深入研究。

三、修辞论辩的界定

樊明明将修辞论辩定义为：“在不确定条件下对论题、主张进行合理维护的一种言语实践，旨在说服受众，赢得他们的认同，促使其采取行动。”［15］修辞论辩是一种实践，它是人们的一种日常性的言语活动和社会活动;修辞论辩是对论题进行合理维护的一种实践，它抛弃了形式逻辑中“分析”、“证明”的概念，承认论辩结果的或然性；它将论辩的合理性与一定范围内盛行的标准和道德规范联系起来，认为论辩要充分考虑受众的具体情况，包括他们的价值取向，只要赢得他们的认同，论辩便是可接受的［13］。

修辞论辩应当采用形式逻辑和非形式逻辑两种论辩推理手段，应当综合演绎和非演绎的所有推理方法，综合理论推理和实用推理的所有方法。由于我们身处的世界是一个或然性的世界，修辞论辩的目的不仅要证明论题的“真”，而且要说服听众相信论题的合理性，促使其采取行动。综合运用理性论辩（包括逻辑理性论辩和修辞理性论辩）、信誉论辩和情感论辩的诸多手段是修辞论辩的必然选择［15］。因此，修辞论辩由理性论辩（包括逻辑理性论辩和修辞理性论辩）、信誉论辩和情感论辩三部分组成。

四、奥巴马访华上海演讲内容

奥巴马以上海话“侬好”作为开场，博得现场热烈掌声。演讲从六个方面进行：历史纽带、中美合作、美价值观、学习中国、未来实力、中美交流。在谈历史纽带中，奥巴马以乒乓外交解冻中美关系为开篇，回顾了从华盛顿以来中美两国的友好交流历史，感受了二战时期两国同一条战壕里的战友情深；在谈中美合作中，论述了30年来中美贸易高速发展的历程，强调了贸易对于中美关系和两国人民的重要性。他认为中美贸易的发展让很多中国人脱贫，让中国发展起来；中美贸易也创造了美国的就业机会，让美国人民的生活更美好，并以此说明贸易往来互利互惠的重要性。在谈美国价值观中，讲述了不强制将政体传给别国。民主、自由、人权等是美国坚持的核心价值观。美国的价值观形成和得到体现是一步一步完成的。自由和人人平等的原则逐步得到体现，而他作为黑人后裔能当选总统，就是美国价值观的集中体现。在谈学习中国中，奥巴马表示有很多方面要向中国学习。除了不断增长的经济之外，也很佩服中国在科学和研究方面所投入的力量，中国是世界上使用互联网技术最多的国家，对新领域的投资保持着继续增长，在应对气候变化方面也有新的投资，希望两国加强这方面的合作。在谈未来实力中，奥巴马强调不寻求遏制中国的崛起，认为世界是互相连接的，各国所做的工作，各国所建立的繁荣，各国所保护的环境，各国所追求的安全，所有这些都是共同的，考虑到这些互联性，所以21世纪的实力不是零和游戏。在谈中美交流中，奥巴马表示合作应该是超越政府间的合作，应该是以人民为基础。最好的使者就是年轻人，并展望了建立21世纪中美密切合作、互惠双赢关系的美好前景。

五、奥巴马修辞论辩的建构

演讲就是一种论辩，“演说人的演说论辩可能正是针对反对者的某一观点进行的”，因此，“修辞论辩是一种交互式论辩”；演说者和听众“存在一种‘隐形’的交互式对话”，虽然演说者无法听到听众的意见，“但演说者要对听众可能产生的疑问、反驳、不同观点进行辩解与论辩”，［13］演说者对听众“隐形”的声音做出相应的回应，才可能说服听众接受他的主张及观点，才可能成就一次精彩的演讲。

奥巴马的上海演讲，一如他那精彩的当选演讲和就职演说，真挚、谦逊、严密、自信、大气，深入浅出、情理交融，给人留下了深刻印象。之所以精彩，我认为与奥巴马卓越的修辞论辩的运用密切相关。以下对此篇演讲的修辞论辩三部分一一作实证分析。由于逻辑理性论辩属于平时使用较多的论辩形式，本文不作探讨。着重分析修辞理性论辩、信誉论辩和情感论辩三部分。

1.修辞理性论辩

奥巴马的修辞理性论辩由归纳论辩、比较论辩、因果论辩及例证论辩组成。

（1）归纳论辩

归纳论辩有两种形式：枚举归纳法和综合归纳法。奥巴马采用了枚举归纳法来阐释民主自由的道路上每前进一步都不容易，对核心原则的信念是作为在最黑暗的风暴当中的指南针。如：“这就是为什么林肯能在内战风雨飘摇中挺身而出，并宣称以自由、以人人生而平等为原则的国家能够长久存在；也就是为什么马丁・路德・金博士能挺立在林肯纪念馆的台阶前呼吁我们的国家必须真正的实现我们的信念；也就是为什么来自中国或者肯尼亚的移民能在美国安家；也就是为什么机遇会降临每个为这个信仰奋斗的人；也就是为什么像我这样一个不到50年前在某些地方连投票都遭遇困难的人，现在能够当上那个国家的总统。”②用枚举归纳法把历史进程中的重要推进以排比句的形式一一列出，给人强烈的真实感及立体感。

（2）比较论辩

比较论辩以两种形式存在：对比论辩及类比论辩。奥巴马在此篇演讲中采用了对比论辩。对比论辩是把两种相互对立或彼此相关的事物进行对照，说明事理的相同或相异之处，借以说明自己的主张。“很抱歉，我的中文远不如你们的英文，但是我期待和你们的对话。”一句谦和的对比，拉近了演讲者与受众的关系，使听众愿意跟其走下去，听听奥巴马的下文；再如：“中国是一个文明古国，它有着博大精深的文化。相比之下，美国是一个年轻的国度。”这一对比又尽显演讲者的谦虚态度；又如：“1979年美中贸易只有50亿美元，现在已经超过了4000亿美元。”鲜明的数字对比，以示30年美中贸易取得了长足的进展，极大地增强了说服力。

（3）因果论辩

任何事情有因就有果，但是，只有那种值得重视的值得思考的因果才会被人说出来，以引起受众的重视，因而起到突出、强调的作用。在谈到中美关系时，奥巴马表示：“所有这些都是共同的，考虑到这些互联性，所以21世纪的实力不是零和游戏，一个国家成功不应该以另外一个国家的牺牲作为代价。这就是为什么我们不寻求遏制中国的崛起。”奥巴马用的因果倒叙法，先说结果再说原因，给听众一种“原来如此”的感觉，令人印象深刻，听众潜意识中更容易接受奥巴马的主张。

（4）例证论辩

例证论辩是对一系列事实的一部分进行描写或归纳，以此来增强说服力。当谈到历史纽带时，奥巴马深情举例：“比如美国人永远不会忘记，在二战期间，美国飞行员在中国上空被击落后，中国人民不顾失去一切的危险对他们热情地款待及悉心地照料。”此时的隐形论辩发生的场景可以如此描述：听众听到奥巴马说“两国人民打造深厚的，甚至激动人心的纽带”，不禁要问：为何如是说呢？而奥巴马及时恰当地使用了例证论辩，举出这个例子，打消了听众隐含的疑问，争取到了听众的情感。

2.信誉论辩

奥巴马上海演讲使用了信誉论辩中的诉诸本人信誉的论辩和诉诸第三者信誉的论辩两种形式。

（1）诉诸本人信誉的论辩

亚里士多德说：“演说者要使人信服，须具有三种品质，因为使人信服的品质有三种，这三种都不需要证明的帮助，他们是见识、美德和好意。”［16］演说者缺乏见识就无法提出正确的见解，虽有见识但缺乏美德就不可能把他们的见解说出来；即使是有见识、有美德，但没有好意也不会费心地把知道的说出来，因此，如果演说者同时展示出这三种品质的话，必然能使听众信服。而奥巴马就在这次演说中看似不经意地就展示了这三种品德，无形中增加了听众的信服度。从独立初期的乔治・华盛顿对“中国皇后号”商船的派遣，《上海公报》的问世，经济的复苏，洁净能源的开发，制止_扩散，以及应对气候变化，到最后的《战国策》中“前事不忘，后事之师”③的引用，奥巴马的见识展示无疑，听众不得不佩服他的博学多才及深厚的文学功底。而奥巴马的美德则在这句话中尽显：“我有一个非常简单的向往，民主制度的一些核心原则，即人人生而平等；都拥有基本权利；而政府应该反映人们的意志、对人们的愿望做出反应；贸易应该是开放的；信息流通应该是自由的；应该是法律而不是个体来保证这种公平。”演讲中随处散见其好意，如“我不知道他刚才说什么，但是希望他说得很好。”“我期待和你们的对话。”“让我们的人民过上质量更高的生活。”等等，比比皆是，令听众随时感受得到他的诚意。以上三个方面是奥巴马演讲中典型的诉诸本人信誉的论辩的例子，很好地起到了打动听众的效果。

（2）诉诸第三者信誉的论辩

诉诸第三者信誉的论辩由两个部分组成：诉诸专家、权威信誉的论辩；诉诸所谈对象良好的个人品质的论辩。因为专家、权威有着强有力的专业支撑，而所谈对象的品质效应与诉诸本人信誉如出一辙，起到异曲同工之妙。演讲中提到的林肯、马丁・路德・金都是采用诉诸专家、权威信誉方式；而最妙的一句话是：“我们两国人民都热爱篮球，姚明就是个例子。”姚明的良好品质及他的专业精神众人皆知。奥巴马刻意地提及这位中国篮球明星，起到拉近听众与自己之间距离的作用，使中国听众易于接受他的演讲内容。

3.情感论辩

奥巴马的情感论辩从两方面进行：诉诸流行（公共意见）的论辩、诉诸怜悯的论辩。诉诸流行（公共意见）的论辩是以公众的态度为依据，加入情感因素的介入，具有一定的引导性，起到旁敲侧击之用。“在美国，数量最多的留学生来自中国。而在美国的学生中，学中文的人数增加了50%，我们两国有近200个友好城市。”这句话的隐含了这样一层意思：“请大家看看，这么多的留学生来自中国，这么多的美国人在学中文，两国有这么多的友好城市。这是一种流行，这是一种趋势，证明了我们两国的友好关系。”这是一种诉诸流行（公共意见）的论辩。诉诸怜悯的论辩是一种通过打动听众的怜悯心来左右他们的判断，以达到说服的目的。“我们国家的历史也不是没有过困难的时候。”“我们也打过一个很痛苦的内战。”这两句话是出自美国总统之口，丝毫没有高高在上的感觉，反而显得格外真诚，这就是诉诸怜悯的论辩在起作用。如果这两句话出自一位普通民众之口，则不过是寻常之言、普通事实而已。但是，正因为奥巴马是总统，他的地位与这两句话反差较大，因而能引起听众的认同他的真诚。当然，情感论辩只是理性论辩的补充，用得恰到好处才有效果，反之就弄巧成拙了。

六、结语

奥巴马的演讲之所以成功，与其卓越的修辞论辩的运用密切相关，当然他高高的个子，不经意的动作，恰到好处的声音，还有他那极具亲和力的笑容，都是他赢得人心的最好基础。演说富有节奏感，味道十足、语气恰到好处，即使当他面对成千上万人演讲，也能让每个人都觉得奥巴马似乎就是对他一个人在说。之所以有此效果，原因在于奥巴马抓住了修辞论辩的精髓――听众中心论――让每个听众都感觉奥巴马是对自己在劝说。随着演讲的推进，听众心中不断闪出的疑问、反驳等都被及时有效地作出了回应――劝说。要将这种劝说做得准确、做得到位，需要对修辞论辩里的这三部分――修辞理性论辩、信誉论辩和情感论辩了然于胸。理性论辩解决听众逻辑理性的问题――可行；信誉论辩解决听众的心理因素――可信；情感论辩解决听众的情感偏向――可接受。可行是基础，可信与可接受才是影响论辩成功的最重要因素。

注释：

①《新修辞学：论论辩》首版为法语，于1969年译为英文版.

②本文中对奥巴马演讲辞的翻译由笔者在听演讲视频原文后所做，与因特网上的口译版有较大区别.

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第29篇

鲁比奥2010年才首次当选联邦参议员，现时不过四十出头，就已公开被视为共和党2016年角逐白宫的必杀武器了：他是古巴裔移民，口齿伶俐、形象讨好，与六七年前的奥巴马相比，除肤色不同，就只差未上过常春藤大学而已，其余条件几乎一样。纯粹从政治观感上分析，如果下次选举，共和党能推出一个拉美裔作为候选人，却回归一个肯尼迪式的“白富帅”，那么形势会否逆转？美国少数族裔中，非洲裔其实是少数，占大头的是拉美裔。2012年的选举中，拉美裔选民中七成投给了，如果其它条件不变，鲁比奥只要把这个比例拉平，就足以为共和党重夺白宫了。

恐怕很多人又会再问，“其它条件”能不变吗？尤其是共和党那些传统支持者，南部农村的白人选民。答案似乎是肯定的，因为鲁比奥的成长经历就是一个美国人最喜欢听的“美国梦”。2012年，早在罗姆尼与奥巴马对决前，刚当上了参议员两年的鲁比奥便出版了个人自传《美国之子（An American Son）》。

这本书充满了正能量——在一个国力强盛同时也为努力向上的年轻人敞开大门的理想国度里，1956年从古巴移民美国的鲁比奥父母，仅靠当酒吧侍应生和大户人家的女仆，便成功地供养出一个当上了美国参议员的儿子。用他自己的话讲，他的家庭不过用了一代人，就从站在宴会大厅后面捧着饮料的侍应生，变成站在大厅前端的演讲台上的贵宾了。美国的白人，即使有种族考虑的那些群体，已完全接纳了这个西班牙语为母语却同时能说一口地道美语的古巴移民了。

奥巴马学校演讲稿 第30篇

芝加哥，你好!

If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible; who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time; who still questions the power of our democracy， tonight is your answer.

如果有人怀疑美国是个一切皆有可能的地方，怀疑美国奠基者的梦想在我们这个时代依然燃烧，怀疑我们民-主的力量，那么今晚这些疑问都有了答案。

It's the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen; by people who waited three hours and four hours， many for the very first time in their lives， because they believed that this time must be different; that their voice could be that difference.

学校和教堂门外的长龙便是答案。排队的人数之多，在美国历史上前所未有。为了投票，他们排队长达三、四个小时。许多人一生中第一次投票，因为他们认为这一次大选结果必须不同以往，而他们手中的一票可能决定胜负。

It's the answer spoken by young and old， rich and poor， Democrat and Republican， black， white， Latino， Asian， Native American， gay， straight， disabled and not disabled — Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been a collection of red states and blue states; we are， and always will be， the United States of America.

无论年龄，无论贫富，无论民-主党人或共和党人，无论黑人、白人，无论拉美裔、亚裔、印地安人， 无论_、异性恋，无论残障人、健全人，所有的人，他们向全世界喊出了同一个声音：我们并不隶属 “红州”与 “蓝州”的对立阵营，我们属于_合众国，现在如此，永远如此!

It's the answer that led those who have been told for so long by so many to be cynical， and fearful， and doubtful of what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day.

长久以来，很多人说：我们对自己的能量应该冷漠，应该恐惧，应该怀疑。但是，历史之轮如今已在我们手中，我们又一次将历史之轮转往更美好的未来。

It's been a long time coming， but tonight， because of what we did on this day， in this election， at this defining moment， change has come to America.

漫漫征程，今宵终于来临。特殊的一天，特殊的一次大选，特殊的决定性时刻，美国迎来了变革。

I just received a very gracious call from Sen. McCain. He fought long and hard in this campaign， and he's fought even longer and harder for the country he loves. He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine， and we are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfleleader. I congratulate him and Gov. Palin for all they have achieved， and I look forward to working with them to renew this nation's promise in the months ahead.

刚才，麦凯恩参议员很有风度地给我打了个电话。在这次竞选中，他的努力持久而艰巨。为了这个他挚爱的国家，他的努力更持久、更艰巨。他为美国的奉献超出绝大多数人的想象。他是一位勇敢无私的领袖，有了他的奉献，我们的生活才更美好。我对他和佩林州长的成绩表示祝贺。同时，我也期待着与他们共同努力，再续美国辉煌。

I want to thank my partner in this journey， a man who campaigned from his heart and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on that train home to Delaware， the vice-president-elect of the United States， Joe Biden.

我要感谢我的竞选搭档——当选副总统乔?拜登。为了与他一起在斯克兰顿市街头长大、一起坐火车返回特拉华州的人们，拜登全心全意地竟选，他代表了这些普通人的声音。

I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last 16 years， the rock of our family and the love of my life， our nation's next first lady， Michelle Obama. Sasha and Malia， I love you both so much， and you have earned the new puppy that's coming with us to the White House. And while she's no longer with us， I know my grandmother is watching， along with the family that made me who I am. I mithem tonight， and know that my debt to them is beyond measure.

我要感谢下一位第一夫人米歇尔?奥巴马。她是我家的中流砥柱，是我生命中的最爱。没有她在过去16年来的坚定支持，今晚我就不可能站在这里。我要感谢两个女儿萨沙和玛丽娅，我太爱你们两个了，你们将得到一条新的小狗，它将与我们一起入住白宫。我还要感谢已去世的外婆，我知道此刻她正在天上注视着我。她与我的家人一起造就了今天的我。今夜我思念他们，他们对我的恩情比山高、比海深。

To my campaign manager， David Plouffe; my chief strategist， David Axelrod; and the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics — you made this happen， and I am forever grateful for what you've sacrificed to get it done.

我要感谢我的竞选经理大卫?普鲁夫，感谢首席策划师大卫?阿克塞罗德以及整个竞选团队，他们是政治史上最优秀的竞选团队。你们成就了今夜，我永远感谢你们为今夜所付出的一切。

But above all， I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to — it belongs to you.

但最重要的是，我将永远不会忘记这场胜利真正属于谁---是你们!

I was never the likeliest candidate for this office. We didn't start with much money or many endorsements. Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington — it began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston.

我从来不是最有希望的候选人。起初，我们的资金不多，赞助人也不多。我们的竞选并非始于华盛顿的华丽大厅，而是起于德莫奈地区某家的后院、康科德地区的某家客厅、查尔斯顿地区的某家前廊。

It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give $5 and $10 and $20 to this cause. It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation's apathy; who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and lesleep; from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on the doors of perfect strangers; from the millions of Americans who volunteered and organized， and proved that more than two centuries later， a government of the people， by the people and for the people has not perished from this earth. This is your victory.

劳动大众从自己的微薄积蓄中掏出5美元、10美元、20美元，拿来捐助我们的事业。年轻人证明了他们绝非所谓“冷漠的一代”。他们远离家乡和亲人，拿着微薄的报酬，起早摸黑地助眩上了年纪的人也顶着严寒酷暑，敲开陌生人的家门助眩无数美国人自愿组织起来，充当自愿者。正是这些人壮大了我们的声势。他们的行动证明了在两百多年以后，民有、民治、民享的政府并未从地球上消失。这是你们的胜利。

I know you didn't do this just to win an election， and I know you didn't do it for me. You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead. For even as we celebrate tonight， we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime — two wars， a planet in peril， the worst financial crisis in a century. Even as we stand here tonight， we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us. There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after their children fall asleep and wonder how they'll make the mortgage， or pay their doctor's bills， or save enough for college. There is new energy to harneand new jobs to be created; new schools to build and threats to meet and alliances to repair.